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Reprinted from Kansas Historical Collections, Vol. XII. 


A Study of the Route of Coronado Between 
the Rio Grande and Missouri Rivers. 

By James Newton Baskett , 1 of Mexico, Mo. 

INTRODUCTORY. 

TT IS well known that in the year 1540 Coronado led an army from Mexico 
to the Santa Fe region of the valley of the Rio Grande. He had gone in 
search of wealthy villages of which Cabeza de Vaca had heard in his wan¬ 
derings and concerning which he had many mysterious things to say after 
he arrived in New Spain. These villages had later been investigated by 
Marcos de Niza, and he made such a glorious report that the viceroy, Men¬ 
doza, determined to send an army to conquer the rich realm, which was 
called “The Seven Cities of Cibola.” 

It has been established that this army encountered the first pueblo at 
what is now the site of Old Zuni, passed on by “the rock of Acoma,” and 
wintered on the Rio Grande at a pueblo which the chroniclers of the expe¬ 
dition called Tiguex—with variations of spelling. By its location with ref¬ 
erence to the mesa, Acoma, the Sandia range of mountains and to certain 
villages in these hills, and from many later historical statements, the site 
of this village has been convincingly located by Bandelier, Hodge and others 
at the ruins of an old pueblo near the modern town of Bernalillo. 


Note 1.—Though a Missourian, Mr. Baskett was born a Kentuckian, in Nicholas 
county, November 1, 1849, and came to Audrain county, Missouri, when he was eight 
years old. Here, at Mexico, he has lived most of his life. He was graduated Ph.B. from 
the Missouri University in 1872, and subsequently, in acknowledgment of his work, was 
given the degree of A. M. by his Alma Mater. He began life as a surveyor and engineer, 
but, incurring pulmonary trouble through field exposure, he went to Colorado in 1879, 
where, after three years spent in the open in the midst of nature, he recovered. 

Having been aroused by the many new forms of plant and animal life found west of 
the plains, he began certain studies, which resulted in his becoming a contributor to va¬ 
rious journals in attempts to popularize natural history, and, returning to Missouri in 
1881, he drifted into a literary career. In 1896 Dr. William T. Harris, then United 
States commissioner of education, undertook to edit for the Appletons a home-reading 
series of books, and asked Mr. Baskett to write the initial volume. The result was “The 
Story of the Birds.” Subsequently “The Story of the Fishes” and the “Story of the 
Amphibians and Reptiles” followed in the same series, the latter in collaboration with 
Dr. R. L. Ditmars, then the curator of reptiles in the Bronx Zoological Gardens at New 
York. 

Previously, 1893, Mr. Baskett was solicited to read a paper before the World’s Congress, 
of Ornithologists, at the Columbian Exposition of Chicago, on “Some Hints of the Kin¬ 
ship of Birds as Shown by Their Eggs.” This was then, perhaps, the most extensive 
review of the topic in America, and attracted the attention of Dr. Elliott Coues, forming 
the basis of a lasting friendship with that great ornithologist and historian. On his 
commendation, the Macmillan Company, of New York and London, asked Mr. Baskett to 
write a nature book, and to thread a light story through it which would hold the reader’s 
interest; but when it was submitted the house informed the author that he had written 
a novel, and, as such, they would publish it. So Mr. Baskett found himself suddenly in a 
new realm, as the author of a piece of romance, which he scarcely designed as such. 
The result was “At You-All’s House: A Missouri Nature Story”—a compound of didac¬ 
ticism and sentiment which had the virtues and frailties of its peculiar origin. Its 
literary success, however, both in America and England, was marked, giving a new 
name and habitation to the “Show-me” state, and was one of the pioneer books to call 
attention to the wealth of local interest which may cling about the rural life of the Middle 
West generally. Subsequently “As the Light Led” came from the same house, the theme 




2 


Kansas State Historical Society 


.VsB 


Coronado found the villages disappointing—not by any means another 
Mexico—and he was concerned about anything beyond them which promised 
greater wealth. While he was yet at the first village of Cibola, the Zuni pueblo 
of Hawikuh, there came to meet him, from a town twenty-five leagues be¬ 
yond the Rio Grande, a deputation of Indians that had with it a hide of the 
bison and a man with a picture of the animal tattooed upon his skin. The 
Spaniards wondered at the queer sort of cow, 2 and began to desire to see not 
only these animals, but also the great plains beyond the Rio Grande, on 
which these Indians said that the herds ranged. Thus the snarly, woolly 
cow became one of the factors in bringing Coronado to Texas and to the 
valley of the Missouri; and it was solely by subsisting on the flesh of this 
animal that he was able to go to these regions and return. To be certain, 


based on the denominational debates which were so frequent and acrimonious a fourth of 
a century or more ago. Later still the W. A. Wilde Company, of Boston, asked for a 
story similar to “At You-All’s House,” and Mr. Baskett wrote for them “Sweetbrier and 
Thistledown,” which is in a certain sense a sequel to the former story, but of independent 
plot. It is a study of the uplifting influences which nature and rural life may have upon 
the character of a city-reared girl, and has, designedly, at the request of the publishers, 
much nature study in a popular form woven in with the story. 

Some years later Mr. Baskett, noting what he thought to be many inconsistencies and 
errors in the tracing of the routes of the old Spanish explorers of the Southwest, began a 
detailed and systematic study of these from every point of view which he could obtain, 
but especially from that of topography. To this end he went over the originals of the 
narratives, and found that the usual renderings did not always conform to the situations, 
and were sometimes set forth in the light of prejudged conceptions. What is so far the 
most elaborate and detailed study of the route of Cabeza de Vaca from the eastern Texas 
Gulf coast to Sonora was published by him in the Historical Quarterly of that state, in 
the issues of January and April, 1907, with the help and commendation of the then 
editor. Dr. George P. Garrison, and of the scientific staff of the faculty of the State 
University. The germ of the article was first presented in an address to the Missouri 
Historical Society at St. Louis, of which Mr. Baskett is an honorary member. 

Previous to this he had written a manuscript book on the entire route and various 
features of the Coronado expedition, from Mexico to Quivira ; but failing to interest any 
publisher in the same, he had thrown it aside. Later, however, he was invited to read a 
historical paper on a topic of his own choosing before the Mississippi Valley Historical 
Society, when it met in St. Louis, and he made an address on the theme, “Did Coronado 
Reach the Missouri?”—claiming that he did not. Subsequent study of this matter con¬ 
vinced him that, with the exception of Hodge and Richey and a few Kansas students, a 
proper conception of the route from the Rio Grande to Quivira had not even been formed, 
many historians placing the latter place either north of the Platte or east of the Missouri 
river. Hence arose the study of the route of Coronado across the plains, to “the end” of 
which, the explorer says, he never came; and its presentation occurs in the accompanying 
paper, in which the author has gone into every detail from every point of view which he 
has been able to command, giving the results of many years of investigation. 

Mr. Baskett has been connected with various scientific, historical and literary societies 
of the country, such as the American Association for the Advancement of Science, 
American Ornithologist’s Union, Washington Biological Society, National Geographic 
Society, and many state historical societies. He is a frequent lecturer on the topics of 
his studies, especially those connected with birds, and he also is a regular contributor to 
sundry periodicals on various nature topics. His permanent address is Mexico, Mo., 
though he is now resident in St. Louis.— Secretary. 

Note 2. —The “cows” were naturally a source of curiosity to the Spaniards, and this 
feeling was whetted by the crude pictures and descriptions of the animals made by the 
Indians. When Alarcon gained an entrance into the Gulf of California, in 1540, and 
thence into the Colorado river, the Indians whom he met described the “cows” as follows: 

“The Indian was asked about the leather shields, and in reply described a very great 
beast like an ox, but more than a hand longer, with broad feet, legs as big as a man’s 
thigh, a head seven hands long, and the forehead three spans across. The eyes of the 
beast were larger than one’s fist, and the horns as long as a man’s leg, ‘out of which 
grew sharp points an handful long, and the fore feet and hind feet about seven handfuls 
big.’ The tail was large and bushy. To show how tall the animal was, the Indian 
stretched his arms above his head.”—Bureau of Ethnology, Fourteenth Annual Report, 
Winship’s Coronado, p. 406. 

To Coronado and his men the vast herds of buffalo were a cause of constant comment, 
as all the narratives of the expedition show. This marveling at numbers was true of a 
later day than Coronado’s, and the following accounts will be of interest here: 

“Between the Rocky Mountains and the states lying along the Mississippi river on the 
west, from Minnesota to Louisiana, the whole country was one vast buffalo range, in¬ 
habited by millions of buffaloes. One could fill a volume with the records of plainsmen 
and pioneers who penetrated or crossed that vast region between 1800 and 1870, and 
were in turn surprised, astounded, and frequently dismayed, by the tens of thousands of 
buffaloes they observed, avoided or escaped from. They lived and moved, as no other 
quadrupeds ever have, in great multitudes, like grand armies in review, covering scores 

' I . - ' ■’ J 

ft* ft? 8* 


t I t 




Reprinted from Kansas Historical Collections, Vol. XII. 


A Study of the Route of Coronado Between 
the Rio Grande and Missouri Rivers. 

By James Newton Baskett, 1 of Mexico, Mo. 

// 

INTRODUCTORY. 

TT IS well known that in the year 1540 Coronado led an army from Mexico 
to the Santa Fe region of the valley of the Rio Grande. He had gone in 
search of wealthy villages of which Cabeza de Vaca had heard in his wan¬ 
derings and concerning which he had many mysterious things to sa/*afN|^ 
he arrived in New Spain. These villages had later been investigated by 
Marcos de Niza, and he made such a glorious report that the viceroy, Men¬ 
doza, determined to send an army to conquer the rich realm, which was 
called “The Seven Cities of Cibola.” 

It has been established that this army encountered the first pueblo at 
what is now the site of Old Zuni, passed on by “the rock of Acoma,” and 
wintered on the Rio Grande at a pueblo which the chroniclers of the expe¬ 
dition called Tiguex—with variations of spelling. By its location with ref¬ 
erence to the mesa, Acoma, the Sandia range of mountains and to certain 
villages in these hills, and from many later historical statements, the site 
of this village has been convincingly located by Bandelier, Hodge and others 
at the ruins of an old pueblo near the modern town of Bernalillo. 


Note 1.-—Though a Missourian, Mr. Baskett was born a Kentuckian, in Nicholas 
county, November 1, 1849, and came to Audrain county, Missouri, when he was eight 
years old. Here, at Mexico, he has lived most of his life. He was graduated Ph.B. from 
the Missouri University in 1872, and subsequently, in acknowledgment of his work, was 
given the degree of A. M. by his Alma Mater. He began life as a surveyor and engineer, 
but, incurring pulmonary trouble through field exposure, he went to Colorado in 1879, 
where, after three years spent in the open in the midst of nature, he recovered. 

Having been aroused by the many new forms of plant and animal life found west of 
the plains, he began certain studies, which resulted in his becoming a contributor to va¬ 
rious journals in attempts to popularize natural history, and, returning to Missouri in 
1881, he drifted into a literary career. In 1896 Dr. William T. Harris, then United 
States commissioner of education, undertook to edit for the Appletons a home-reading 
series of books, and asked Mr. Baskett to write the initial volume. The result was “The 
Story of the Birds.” Subsequently “The Story of the Fishes” and the “Story of the 
Amphibians and Reptiles” followed in the same series, the latter in collaboration with 
Dr. R. L. Ditmars, then the curator of reptiles in the Bronx Zoological Gardens at New 
Y ork. 

Previously, 1893, Mr. Baskett was solicited to read a paper before the World’s Congress 
of Ornithologists, at the Columbian Exposition of Chicago, on “Some Hints of the Kin¬ 
ship of Birds as Shown by Their Eggs.” This was then, perhaps, the most extensive 
review of the topic in America, and attracted the attention of Dr. Elliott Coues, forming 
the basis of a lasting friendship with that great ornithologist and historian. On his 
commendation, the Macmillan Company, of New York and London, asked Mr. Baskett to 
write a nature book, and to thread a light story through it which would hold the reader’s 
interest; but when it was submitted the house informed the author that he had written 
a novel, and, as such, they would publish it. So Mr. Baskett found himself suddenly in a 
new realm, as the author of a piece of romance, which he scarcely designed as such. 
The result was “At You-All’s House: A Missouri Nature Story”—a compound of didac¬ 
ticism and sentiment which had the virtues and frailties of its peculiar origin. Its 
literary success, however, both in America and England, was marked, giving a new 
name and habitation to the “Show-me” state, and was one of the pioneer books to call 
attention to the wealth of local interest which may cling about the rural life of the Middle 
West generally Subsequently “As the Light Led” came from the same house, the theme 




2 Kansas State Historical Society. 

Coronado found the villages disappointing—not by any means another 
Mexico—and he was concerned about anything beyond them which promised 
greater wealth. While he was yet at the first village of Cibola, the Zuni pueblo 
of Hawikuh, there came to meet him, from a town twenty-five leagues be¬ 
yond the Rio Grande, a deputation of Indians that had with it a hide of the 
bison and a man with a picture of the animal tattooed upon his skin. The 
Spaniards wondered at the queer sort of cow, 2 and began to desire to see not 
only these animals, but also the great plains beyond the Rio Grande, on 
which these Indians said that the herds ranged. Thus the snarly, woolly 
cow became one of the factors in bringing Coronado to Texas and to the 
valley of the Missouri; and it was solely by subsisting on the flesh of this 
animal that he was able to go to these regions and return. To be certain, 



based on the denominational debates which were so frequent and acrimonious a fourth of 
a century or more ago. Later still the W. A. Wilde Company, of Boston, asked for a 
story similar to “At You-All’s House,” and Mr. Baskett wrote for them “Sweetbrier and 
Thistledown,” which is in a certain sense a sequel to the former story, but of independent 
plot. It is a study of the uplifting influences which nature and rural life may have upon 
the character of a city-reared girl, and has, designedly, at the request of the publishers, 
much nature study in a popular form woven in with the story. 

Some years later Mr. Baskett, noting what he thought to be many inconsistencies and 
errors in the tracing of the routes of the old Spanish explorers of the Southwest, began a 
detailed and systematic study of these from every point of view which he could obtain, 
but especially from thet of topography. To this end he went over the originals of the 
narratives, and found that the usual renderings did not always conform to the situations, 
and were sometimes set forth in the light of prejudged conceptions. What is so far the 
most elaborate and detailed study of the route of Cabeza de Vaca from the eastern Texas 
Gulf coast to Sonora was published by him in the Historical Quarterly of that state, in 
the issues of January and April, 1907, with the help and commendation of the then 
editor. Dr. George P. Garrison, and of the scientific staff of the faculty of the State 
University. The germ of the article was first presented in an address to the Missouri 
Historical Society at St. Louis, of which Mr. Baskett is an honorary member. 

Previous to this he had written a manuscript book on the entire route and various 
features of the Coronado expedition, from Mexico to Quivira ; but failing to interest any 
publisher in the same, he had thrown it aside. Later, however, he was invited to read a 
historical paper on a topic of his own choosing before the Mississippi Valley Historical 
Society, when it met in St. Louis, and' he made an address on the theme, “Did Coronado 
Reach the Missouri ?”—claiming that he did not. Subsequent study of this matter con¬ 
vinced him that, with the exception of Hodge and Richey and a few Kansas students, a 
proper conception of the route from the Rio Grande to Quivira had not even been formed, 
many historians placing the latter place either north of the Platte or east of the Missouri 
river. Hence arose the study of the route of Coronado across the plains, to “the end” of 
which, the explorer says, he never came ; and its presentation occurs in the accompanying 
paper, in which the author has gone into every detail from every point of view which he 
has been able to command, giving the results of many years of investigation. 

Mr. Baskett has been connected with various scientific, historical and literary societies 
of the country, such as the American Association for the Advancement of Science, 
American Ornithologist’s Union, Washington Biological Society, National Geographic 
Society, and many state historical societies. He is a frequent lecturer on the topics of 
his studies, especially those connected with birds, and he also is a regular contributor to 
sundry periodicals on various nature topics. His permanent address is Mexico, Mo., 
though he is now resident in St. Louis.— Secretary. 

Note 2. —The “cows” were naturally a source of curiosity to the Spaniards, and this 
feeling was whetted by the crude pictures and descriptions of the animals made by the 
Indians. When Alarcon gained an entrance into the Gulf of California, in 1540, and 
thence into the Colorado river, the Indians whom he met described the “cows” as follows: 

“The Indian was asked about the leather shields, and in reply described a very great 
beast like an ox, but more than a hand longer, with broad feet, legs as big as a man’s 
thigh, a head seven hands long, and the forehead three spans across. The eyes of the 
beast were larger than one’s fist, and the horns as long as a man’s leg, ‘out of which 
grew sharp points an handful long, and the fore feet and hind feet about seven handfuls 
big.’ The tail was large and bushy. To show how tall the animal was, the Indian 
stretched his arms above his head.”—Bureau of Ethnology, Fourteenth Annual Report, 
Winship’s Coronado, p. 405. 

To Coronado and his men the vast herds of buffalo were a cause of constant comment, 
as all the narratives of the expedition show. This marveling at numbers was true of a 
later day than Coronado’s, and the following accounts will be of interest here: 

“Between the Rocky Mountains and the states lying along the Mississippi river on the 
west, from Minnesota to Louisiana, the whole country was one vast buffalo range, in¬ 
habited by millions of buffaloes. One could fill a volume with the records of plainsmen 
and pioneers who penetrated or crossed that vast region between 1800 and 1870, and 
were in turn surprised, astounded, and frequently dismayed, by the tens of thousands of 
buffaloes they observed, avoided or escaped from. They lived and moved, as no other 
quadrupeds ever have, in great multitudes, like grand armies in review, covering scores 


D. of D. 

JAN ' 1918 




A Study of the Route of Coronado. 


3 


the general sent forward Captain Alvarado, with a picked squad, to tho 
plains past the homes of these visiting Indians, to investigate the wonderful 
beast and its equally wonderful habitat. 

On his way Alvarado passed the village of Tiguex, crossed the Rio 
Grande, wound through the breaks and foothills of the Sandia mountains, 
and after four or five days from the river came to Cicuye, 3 the village of 
the visitors. From here Alvarado started to the plains where the cows 
were, and for a guide the Cicuyens gave to him an Indian prisoner, whom 
they had taken from some of the far southern or eastern tribes and were 
holding as a slave. Before they started from Cicuye this fellow—whom the 
Spaniards called “the Turk,” because he was brown and “looked like one” — 
had told Alvarado that there were “large settlements” in his country and 
beyond; and after he had led the captain to the cows, he spoke of vast 
countries and rich cities further on. After going one hundred leagues down 
the first river which they encountered on theif way to the plains, and meet- 


of square miles at once. They were so numerous they frequently stopped boats in the 
rivers, threatened to overwhelm travelers on the plains, and in later years derailed loco¬ 
motives and cars, until railway engineers learned by experience the wisdom of stopping 
their trains whenever there were buffaloes crossing the track. On this feature of the 
buffalo’s life history a few detailed observations may be of value. 


“At my request Colonel Dodge has kindly furnished me a careful estimate upon which 
to base a calculation of the number of buffaloes in that great herd (a herd seen by 
Colonel Dodge in May, 1871), and the result is very interesting. In a private letter 
dated September 21, 1887, he writes as follows: 

“ ‘The great herd on the Arkansas through which I passed could not have averaged, at 
rest, over fifteen or twenty individuals to the acre, but was, from my own observation, 
not less than twenty-five miles wide, and, from reports of hunters and others, it was 
about five days in passing a given point, or not less than fifty miles deep. From the 
top of Pawnee Rock I could see from six to ten miles in every direction. This whole 
vast space was covered with buffalo, looking at a distance like one compact mass, the 
visual angle not permitting the ground to be seen. I have seen such a sight a great 
number of times, but never on so large a scale. This was the last of the great herds.’ 

“With these figures before us it is not difficult to make a calculation that will be some¬ 
where near the truth of the number of buffaloes actually seen in one day by Colonel 
Dodge on the Arkansas river during that memorable drive, and also of the number of 
head in the entire herd. , , 

“According to his recorded observation, the herd extended along the river for a 
distance of twenty-five miles, which was in reality the width of the vast procession that 
was moving north, and back from the road as far as the eye could reach, on both sides. 
It is making a low estimate to consider the extent of the visible ground at one mile on 
either side. This gives a strip of country two miles wide by twenty-five long, or a total 
of fifty square miles, covered with buffalo, averaging from fifteen to twenty-five an 
acre Taking the lesser number, in order to be below the truth rather than above it, we 
find that the number actually seen on that day by Colonel Dodge was in the neighborhood 
of 480 000 , not counting the additional number taken in at that view from the top of 
Pawnee Rock which, if added, would easily bring the total up to a round half million. 

“If the advancing multitudes had been at all points fifty miles in length (as it was 
known to have been in some places, at least) by twenty-five miles in width, and still 
averaged fifteen head to the acre of ground, it would have contained the enormous num¬ 
ber of 12,000,000 head. But, judging from the general principles governing such migra¬ 
tions it is almost certain that the moving mass advanced in the shape of a wedge, which 
would make it necessary to deduct about two-thirds froin the grand total, which would 
leave 4 000,000 as our estimate of the actual number of buffaloes in this great herd, which 

T hplieve is more likely to be below the truth than above it. . 

1 “No wonder that the men of the West of those days, both white and red, thought it 
would be impossible to exterminate such a mighty multitude. The Indians of some tribes 
believed that the buffaloes issued from the ground continually, and that the supply was 
necessarily inexhaustible. And yet in four short years the southern herd waS almost 
totally annihilated.”—Extermination of the American Bison, pp. 388, 390-391. 

“Gen P H Sheridan and Maj. Henry Inman were occupying my office at Fort Dodge 
one night having just made the trip from Fort Supply, and cafied me in to consult as to 

,lSnv buffaloes there were between Dodge and Supply. Taking a strip fifty miles 
how many .^ffaloes there we it 10 ,000,000,000. General Sheridan said, 

That won^ do^ ThS fiKUred if again, and made it 1.000,000,000 Finally they reached 
the c-Ssion that there must be 100 , 000 , 000 , but said they were afraid to give out these 
the c-.iciusion believed them. This vast herd moved slowly toward the north 

antf moved steadily back from the far north when the days began to 
* r °*Cto°rks a £ith' and* rXipped"ove n r 200,000 buffalo hidea the first winter the Atchison, 

~N^te 3 . Bandelier has shown that Cicuye was near the modern village of Pecos, 

N. M.; in fact, identifies it with Pecos. 




4 


Kansas State Historical Society . 


ing great bison herds every day, Alvarado became so exercised about the 
new and wealthy region that he thought no more of “cows,” but rushed 
back to tell Coronado of his good news. He found the army at Tiguex, 
where it had come and settled into winter quarters. He had brought the 
Turk back with him, and the Indian continued to tell wonderful things of 
the regions far beyond, often varying his story, and hinting at locations 
which ranged from the mouth of the Red river to that of the Platte. He 
so confused his hearers that his native country may be deduced from their 
varying statements as existing anywhere within these limits; but he espe¬ 
cially stressed a province, which he called “Quivira, ” as being rich in gold, 
and mentioned “Arche and Guaes” as being still richer. The story of the 
Turk, therefore, was the chief cause of the journey of Coronado to Texas 
and to the watershed of the Missouri. 

The Turk was too precious an asset to be allowed to escape; so the 
Spaniards determined to imprison him at Tiguex till spring, when they 
would start for Quivira. They did not treat him kindly, and provoked his 
animosity. Neither did they behave decently toward his old masters, the 
Cicuyens. In the hatred thus aroused in the Turk and the Cicuyens lay de¬ 
termining factors of the route which the army took later in the spring. As 
the Spaniards went by Cicuye they allowed the Turk to converse with his 
masters. He said later that the latter had promised him that if he would 
take this horde out on the desert plains and starve it, or confuse it so that 
it would be weakened, and therefore easily beaten and destroyed as it re¬ 
turned, he might have his liberty, so far as they were concerned. At least 
this was his confession when, a few months after, he felt the throttle 
tighten on the plains of Kansas. And it is in keeping with this story that 
the Cicuyens did make an attack on the army as it passed back by their vil¬ 
lage. That he so nearly succeeded, with well chosen means and skillful 
strategy, is another ground for trusting his statement. He had led them in 
a great detour “toward Florida, to the south,” where one writer says he 
lived; and his last word was that one reason for leading them that way was 
that he wished to destroy them and because his country was in that direc¬ 
tion. The homesickness of the poor, brown captive, then, was another 
factor in the march of the army of Coronado into Texas. 

Beyond Cicuye four days, was a river. At about two days, going al¬ 
most directly away from the river, Coronado’s men came to the plains; 
at four or five days they saw bison bulls; 4 and at two or three more 

Topeka & Santa Fe railroad reached Dodge City, and I think there were at least as many 
more shipped from there, besides 200 cars of hind quarters and two cars of buffalo tongues. 
Often have I shot them from the walls of my corral for my hogs to feed upon. Severai 
times have I seen wagon trains stop to let the immense herds pass; and time and time 
again, along in August or September, when putting up hay in the Arkansas bottom, 
would we have to put men out both night and day to keep them out of our herd of work 
cattle. We usually hunted them on horseback ; that is, we would single out one animal in 
a herd and ride along by the side of it and shoot it with a six-shooter. Sometimes we 
would kill several buffalo on a single run, but very few white men killed them wantonly.” 
—Frontier Life in Southwest Kansas, by R. M. Wright, in Kansas Historical Collections, 
vol. 7, p. 78. 

“When in the West in 1872 I satisfied myself by personal inquiries that the number of 
buffalo then being slaughtered for their hides was at least 1,000,000 per annum. In the 
autumn of 1868, while crossing the plains on the Kansas Pacific railroad, for a distance 
of upwards of 120 miles, between Ellsworth and Sheridan, we passed through an almost 
unbroken herd of buffalo. The plains were black with them, and more than once the 
train had to stop to allow unusually large herds to pass.”—Plains of the Great West, by 
Richard I. Dodge, p. xiv. 

Note 4. —The Turk had led Alvarado to “a river on the edge of the plains,” which 
was plainly the one that passed near Cicuye. Then he came, in four days, to the cows 



A Study of the Route of Coronado. 


5 


days found bulls, cows and yearlings mixed. Among this latter they en¬ 
countered the first tribe of nomad Indians seen on the journey, which 
the chronicles call Querechos. These confirmed the Turk in mentioning 
great settlements toward sunrise, because he had so instructed them. 
Two days further he made a more direct turn eastward, or to the right; 
and here the Spaniards became skeptical and sent an exploring party 
east, because a free Quivira Indian, called Isopete or Ysopete, kept saying 
that they were leaving the way to the left. Here a soldier was lost on the 
very level plains, Cardenas fell from his horse, and the general rested a 
day, and on the next followed after the captain, Lopez, whom he had sent 
toward the rising sun the morning before. After reaching what Castaneda 
calls a “little river,” he waited the return of Lopez, who met him and said 
that in twenty leagues he had seen nothing but cows and sky. 

From this point a certain Maldonado went “forward,” and at the end of 
four days found another tribe of nomads, called Te.yas, in a ravine, which 
was the first crack in the earth which they had seen in their travels; and 
here the army rested and explored the country. These Teyas did not con¬ 
firm the Turk about Quivira being east, but said it was forty days north on 
“no good road”—an Indian’s good road meaning plenty of water, meat and 
wood on the way. 

When Coronado became sure that the Turk was treacherous, he de¬ 
termined here that he would take thirty picked men and go north, and that 
the main army should go back to Tiguex. Then they all went “forward” 
one day to another ravine, where the army camped and rested for a fort¬ 
night, and which had “good meadows” and “a little bit of a river” in it, 
and some trees. 

Taking guides from the Teyas—since Isopete, the Quivira, was so far 
out of the way that he did not know his way home —the general went north 
for about thirty days, when he came to a river with a great trend in it run 
ning northeast. Because they first saw it on St. Peter and St. Paul’s day, 
they gave it that name, but one called it the River of Quivira. Here Isopete 
first knew where he was by recognizing it. After crossing and going about 
three days down this northeast trend, three days more to the valley of 
another river, and five or six days more across six or seven tributaries of 
this second stream, passing as many settlements, they came to the end of 
Quivira, on a third yetgreater river, and stood on the border of the other adja¬ 
cent provinces first mentioned by the Turk. After spending twenty-five days 
here in a vain search for wealth, Coronado started back to Tiguex by a 
more direct way, merely passing the edge of and recognizing the peculiar 
plains where he had nearly famished as he came out. He had strangled 
the Turk and left Isopete free in Quivira. As he had been guided to the 
river at the north by the Teyas, so now he was led homeward i y Quiviras. 

In like manner the Teyas had led the army home from the desert ravine 
by a shorter way, going much of the distance up the same river which they 
had bridged and down which Alvarado had gone. The army reached Tiguex 
in July, and the general arrived sometime before the 20th of October. He 
wintered again at Tiguex, on the Rio Grande, and in the following spring 

on the plains. It seems quite probable that this was the extent of this journey away 
from this stream, since Alvarado went 400 leagues down it. But the Turk at once led 
Coronado away from this river, and though he bore back southward toward the last, he 
left the army at a place from which it took it many days to reach this river again as it 
went home, though it went the most direct route to it. 



6 Kansas State Historical Society. 

went home to Mexico—his whole expedition being a failure, from his view 
point. 

THE CHRONICLERS OF THE JOURNEY. 

The chronicles of this journey of Coronado from the Rio Grande to Qui- 
vira are mostly to be found in part 1 of the Fourteenth Annual Report of 
the Bureau of Ethnology. The text and notes of Mr. George Parker Win- 
ship's excellent paper, published in that volume, present all the main facts 
connected with the entire expedition. Therefore, for convenience in the 
present discussion, reference to his paper is made solely by means of the 
page figures of the volume. Other sources will be mentioned distinctly. 

1. The chief chronicler was an old soldier known as Castaneda, 5 who, 
though he says he wrote twenty years after, goes into much detail. He 
has made errors of statement, but they are such as are easily recognized. 
He went on the journey toward Quivira only as far as the Ravine where 
Coronado left the army, and he returned with it up the valley of the bridged 
river. In detail he is almost exclusively the narrator of this return journey 
by the shorter route. 

2. The next in giving details of the trip was a Captain Jaramillo, 6 who 
also wrote his narrative twenty years after the events. He admits that his 
memory is not always clear, but his narrative bears evidence of sincerity 
and observation. He was inclined specially to note the location of rivers 
and to indicate directions between points. In these latter he was often 
confused, as may be readily seen, but, on the whole, he was quite trust¬ 
worthy. He was a man of position and wide travel in the Old World. He 
went with the general to Quivira and return. 

3. The third chronicle in importance is called the Relation del Suceso, 7 
and the name of the author is unknown. He appears to have been one of 
the most scientific men of the army. He notes the latitude of various 
places, and was given to brief general statements of apparent sincerity. 
He, so far as we know, was the only chronicler who went with Alvarado on 
his journey of one hundred leagues down the Cicuye river in search of “the 
cows.” He, too, was with Coronado on the journey “to the end of Qui¬ 
vira,” and is the only narrator who gives the distance which the western 
edge of that province was from the crossing of the St. Peter's and St. 
Paul's river, and how far the squad traveled through it till it came to an¬ 
other river at its eastern edge. In this discussion this account is referred 
to as “the Suceso.” 

4. The narrative known as “The Relation Postrera de Sivola” 8 is like¬ 
wise by an unknown hand, and has little reference to this expedition. It 
contains the best brief description found in literature of the intimate rela¬ 
tions between the Indian and the bison, and it describes briefly the plains 
on which they are found. The author did not go on to Quivira, and a state¬ 
ment in his relation implies that he wrote it in the interval between the 

Note 5. —Relacion de la Jornada de Cibola compuesta por Pedro de Castaneda. 

Note 6.—Relacion hecha por el capitan Juan Jaramillo, de la jornada que habia hecho 
a la tierra neuva en Neuva Espana y al descubrimiento de Cibola, yendo nor eeneral 
Francisco Vasquez Coronado. 

Note 7.— Relacion del Suceso de la jornada que Francisco Vasquez hizo en la descu- 
brim lento de Cibola. 

Note 8.—Bandelier has attributed it to Fray Tovibio de Paredes, better known as 



A Study of the Route of Coronado. 


7 


army’s return to Tiguex and Coronado’s return there, since he states that 
it was not known at the time of writing whether the general had returned 
or not. 

5. The freshest chronicle of the whole journey across the plains is con¬ 
tained in the letter of October 20, 1541, which Coronado, shortly after his re¬ 
turn from Quivira, wrote from Tiguex to the king of Spain. 9 While this is not 
so detailed as the account of Castaneda, it is graphic and fairly complete, 
especially with reference to the journey out; and, so far as we can see, it 
is often more accurate than the other narratives, from which it sometimes 
differs. Its only blemish is a tone of complaint running all through it, along 
with a tendency to stress the hard luck of the expedition, in order to atone 
for the failure. There are hints of slight exaggeration at certain places, 
and the chronicle should be read in this light. 

6. Besides these more immediate chroniclers, there are at least three 
historians who wrote ambitiously of Mexico and of Spanish affairs generally 
in America, and who have related much incidentally concerning Coronado’s 
expedition. They are Mota Padilla, 10 Gomara and Herrera. 11 They were 
not with Coronado, and must have had their information at second hand, 
but there is in their accounts much evidence of originality and accuracy. 

7. In the writings of both Benavides and Zarate-Salmeron concerning the 
history of New Mexico may be found many statements bearing on the loca¬ 
tion, direction and distance of Quivira from the region of Santa Fe, but 
some of these are so evidently preposterous that they must all be used with 
caution. 

The collation of all these accounts, in connection with the topography, 
and the hopes and animus of the Turk, should enable the student to approx¬ 
imate the position of the final camp of the main army at “the Ravine,’’ 
and to determine the region of “the end of Quivira” reached by the gen¬ 
eral—along with something of his route thereto. 

STAGES OF THE JOURNEY AND INCIDENTS ON THE WAY. 

Now that we know the cause, purpose and scope of the expedition to 
Quivira, we may note the stages and incidents of the way, as elements of 
our study. Briefly they are as follows: 

From Tiguex to Cicuye (or Pecos); thence to a "river which the Span¬ 
iards called “the Cicuye,” which ran down “from toward” that village; 
the tarrying here four days while the stream was bridged (only Castaneda’s 
narrative mentions this, p. 504); the edge of the plains; among the first 
“jcows”; to the first nomads, called Querechos; the point beyond these 
where the route changed to the right, or toward east, and where a soldier 
strayed and was lost, where Cardenas fell from his horse, where Lopez was 
sent forward one day toward sunrise in search of Haxa, mentioned by the 
Turk, and where the army rested at least one day; the journey thence to 
a “little river,” where the horsemen heaped bisons in the ravines on tne 
way (505); the waiting here for Lopez, and his return; the sending of 

Note 9. —Carta de Francisco Vasquez Coronado al Emperador, dandole cuenta de la 
espedicion a la provincia de Quivira. . . . Desta provincia de Tiguex, 20 Octubre, 1641. 

Note 10.—Mota Padilla derived his information from papers of Tobar. 

Note 11.—Herrera’s account is so palpably derived from that of Jaramillo as to be of 
little additional value. 



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Kansas State Historical Society. 


Maldonado “forward four days”; the march of the army after him; “lost 
in these plains" (505 and 581); the finding of the Teyas in a ravine, which 
was the “first crack in the earth since they had left Tiguex’’ (504, note 3), 
where Cabeza de Vaca had passed (505); the side trip to the settlement of 
Cona; the final Ravine, where the army camped a fortnight; the revelation 
of Isopete, the native of Quiyira; the confirmation of his claims by the 
Teyas; the Turk’s disgrace, and the general’s departure for Quivira with a 
picked squad. 12 

The events on the main army’s way home were: The many bisons killed; 
the journey back past the Teya camp; the vastness of the plains; the 
shorter route taken; the Teya guides holding their way by arrows shot; 
the many salt lakes passed; the entrance of the Cicuye valley, “more than 
thirty leagues’’ below the bridge; the statement of the Teyas that this 
stream ran into the Rio Grande at “more than twenty days,’’ turning east¬ 
ward below; the Teya slave woman’s escape; the passing of Cicuye; the 
threatened attack by these villagers, and the arrival at Tiguex in the mid¬ 
dle of July, twenty-five days from the Ravine. 

Of the general’s journey to Quivira and return, the following are the 
main incidents: 

No mention of rivers on the way for thirty days; he reaches the St. 
Peter and St. Paul river on the day of these saints; on the way no wood 
except at the streams, and water scarce; good appearance of the country at 
the crossing; three days toward the northeast, on the north side of this 
stream, they meet some Quivira hunters; three days more to their village; 
all Quivira villages found on small streams, running to another river with 
more water than the first; the western edge of Quivira settlement found at 
thirty leagues from the first crossing of the first river; the journey of 
twenty-five leagues through Quivira settlement; then passage of six or 
seven villages in five or six days; the coming to the end of Quivira on a 
still greater river, with Harahey (variously spelled) beyond; the twenty- 
five days spent here; the return over the same route to the former crossing 
of first river, and then home, going a more direct way to the right; the 
passing sufficiently near to the country of the Querechos to recognize it; 
the town of Cicuye passed, and Tiguex reached at last by October 20, 1541, 
when the general writes the king. 

THE DISTANCES, TIMES AND DIRECTION, COLLATED FROM ALL THE ACCOUNTS. 

If now we present a table giving the number of days, the number of 
leagues, and the direction of every important stage of the journey, we 
shall have in hand for ready reference all the material necessary for the 
discussion of the probable route by which this army went from the Rio 
Grande to the Ravine and Coronado’s squad went on to Quivira—and back. 

For convenience in the use of this table, the stages of the journey have 
been lettered. The figures following the statements designate the pages of 
the Fourteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, 1892-’93, part 1, 
whereon the data cited may be found. 

Note 12.—In this connection it would be well to read all the descriptions of the plains. 
These are found in the Fourteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, part 1 
pp. 504 (note 3). 505. 606 (note 2), 608-610, 527, 641-643, 670, 671, 680, 581, and 589. 



A Study of the Route of Coronado. 9 

A. 

From Tiguex to Cicuye. 

Castaneda has it: Twenty-five leagues, as the army went (503, bot.); 
but five days as Alvarado went (490, bot.). 

Jaramillo: Four days for the main army. (587, bot.). 

Postrera: Perhaps four days. (570, tp.). 

B. 

From Cicuye to the River or Bridge. 

Castaneda: Four days. (504, mid.). Four days spent at bridge. 

Jaramillo: Three days. 

Suceso: Notes only that the river was on edge of plains, as Alvarado went. 

Postrera: Four days to plains; no river noted. 

C. 

From River to"Plains. 

Castaneda: Thirty leagues from Cicuye to where the plains begin. 
(626, bot.) He makes it five plus four days from Tiguex to the River, and 
fifty-five leagues from Tiguex to edge of plains. See A. 

Coronado: Nine days from Tiguex he came to “some plains.’’ (580, bot.) 
Before starting he had heard that these plains were eight days from Tiguex. 
This was probably the Indian rate. 

Jaramillo: “We . . . began to enter the plains, where the cows are,’* 

after crossing the river, implying a short interval between. (588, tp.) 

Suceso: [Alvarado] “proceeded to these plains, at the border of which 
he found a little river ' 9 (flowing southwest). 

Postrera: Four days from Cicuye (570, tp.) to “a country as level as 
the sea, [with] a multitude of cows.” 

D. 

From the River to the Cows. 

Postrera: See above. 

Suceso: Cows four days from the river as Alvarado went. (576, tp.) 

Jaramillo: Four or five days to bulls, and two or three days further to 
cows and bulls together. (588, tp.) 

Castaneda: Reached the Querechos in ten days, and had seen the cows 
for two days (504, mid.); it was more than forty leagues from where they 
began to see the bulls to where they began to see the cows (543, tp.). 

E. 

From the River to the First Querechos. 

Castaneda: Ten days. (504, mid.) 

Coronado: Seventeen days from Tiguex. (580, bot.) 

Jaramillo: “Among the first cows.” (588, tp.) See D. 

Postrera: “After many days. ” 

Mota Padilla: Four foggy days to the tracks of these Indians, and then 
some more before overtaking them. (528, note 2.) 


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Kansas State Historical Society. 


F. 

From the First Querechos to Bend in Route , Eastward. 

Castaneda: Two days “through other roaming Querechos.” (504, bot.) 

Mota Padilla: Three days northeast. (504, note 3.) 

From Other Narratives: Those who mention this bend in the route speak 
of it as occurring at the first meeting of these Indians generally, or in the 
region of their camp. See Discussion. 

G. 

From the Querecho Bend to the Teya Ravine. 

Coronado: Five days. (581, tp.) 

Jaramillo: After more than twenty days (from Tiguex.) (588, bot.) 
“Eight or ten days . . . along those streams” where the cows were. 

(588, mid.) 

Mota Padilla: Five days to first ravine seen. 

Castaneda: Implies that about eight days were consumed, with about 
three spent in resting, leaving five for travel. See Discussion. 

Suceso: Says army went one hundred leagues east [to bend?] and fifty 
south or southeast to final Ravine. Its only detail is that Cardenas fell 
two days before the halt of determination. Since Castaneda makes this 
happen two days after meeting the first Querechos, the final Ravine would 
be four days away, according to this. The Suceso is out of harmony with 
the others in having Cardenas fall only two days before, and is in probable 
error. 

H. 

From Teyas to Final Ravine. 

Jaramillo: One day. (589, tp.) 

Coronado: Does not speak of the army going beyond the Teya, or first 
Ravine. So, also, Mota Padilla. 

Suceso: Not over the two days noted in [G]. 

Castaneda: Is not clear. Has four days for Maldonado. Speaks much 
of the final Ravine. See Discussion. 

I. 

The Army's Entire March from the Ravine to Tiguex. 

Castaneda: Thirty-seven days coming out, and twenty-five going back 
by a more direct way, besides time consumed on latter route killing bisons. 
He gives two hundred and fifty leagues as the whole distance out, but does 
not say how many leagues it was by the shorter route home. (508, tp.) On 
return, he says the army struck the valley “more than thirty leagues be¬ 
low” the bridge. (509 tp.) 

Suceso: Also states it was necessary to hunt much on the way home 
(577, mid.), implying a slow rate. 

J. 

From the Ravine North to River of Quivira. 

Castaneda: Forty-eight days (509, tp.) to [end of] Quivira. 

Jaramillo: More than thirty days on the way, and almost thirty days of 
travel (577, mid.). Reached St. Peter and St. Paul’s river on day of these 
saints (which was June 29, 1541). [So. Herrera.] 

Suceso: “After proceeding many days by the needle, it pleased God that 




































































A Study of the Route of Coronado. 


11 


after thirty days’ march we found the River of Quivira, which is thirty 
leagues below the settlement.” (577, mid.) 

Coronado: “I traveled forty-two days after I left the force. 

Having journeyed across the deserts seventy-seven days, I arrived at the 
province they called Quivira.” (581, 582.) 

Herrera: ‘‘Marching thirty days to the north, they began to see, on St. 
Peter and St. Paul’s Day, a river,” etc. 

K. 

From the First River to the End of Quivira. 

Jarami'llo: Three days along the river to the hunters; three or four days 
to their camp, and four or five days past their settlements, of which there 
were six or seven. (589, 590.) 

Herrera: He doe3 not note the distance to the villages, but says that 
they went five or six days through these, and came to the end of Quivira, 
where they found a river of more water and more population than the others. 
He adds that when asked what was beyond, the natives replied, ‘‘Nothing 
but Harahe.” (509, note.) 

Suceso: Thirty leagues to the “settlements” and twenty-five through 
them. (577.) 

Coronado: After deducting the thirty days, which the others name as the 
march from the Ravine to the river, from his forty-two, there would be left 
twelve days of travel beyond the river. (581, bot.) See Discussion. 

Castaneda: His forty-eight days for the whole journey would leave 
eighteen traveled beyond the river. It may easily be shown that he is in 
error here. (509, tp.) 

The Whole Distance to Quivira and Return. 

Castaneda: Thirty-seven days (507, bot.) to the Ravine plus forty-eight 
(509, tp.) equal eighty-five. It may be shown that both of these estimates 
are wrong. He states that Coronado was forty days returning (from 
Quivira) to Tiguex, “traveling lightly equipped.” 

Coronado: Seventy-seven days. “Nine hundred and fifty leagues from 
Mexico. Where I reached it it is in the fortieth degree.” (582, bot.) 
* ‘After nine days’ march I reached some plains so vast that I did not find 
their limit anywhere that I went, although I traveled over them more than 
three hundred leagues.” (580.) 

Suceso: “We went back by a more direct route, because in going by 
the way we went we traveled three hundred and thirty leagues, and it is 
not more than two hundred by that by which we returned. Quivira is in 
the fortieth degree, and the river (the Rio Grande at Tiguex ) in the thirty- 
sixth. (578, tp.) 

Teya Indians: Coronado says (581, bot.) that the Teya Indians “made 
it out more than forty days” from their country to Quivira. 

Zarate-Salmeron: [ Land of Sunshine for December, 1899, p. 45] states 
that in 1601 it was two hundred leagues from San Gabriel, in the same New 
Mexico region as Onate went from, to Quivira, at first “east northeast, 
[and] afterward they went up toward the northeast, . . . but not in a 

straight line.” 

Benavides: [Memorial, p. 85] has a statement that the Quiviras were. 





12 


Kansas State Historical Society. 


in 1630, confederated with a tribe called the Aixaos, whose kingdom had its 
center thirty or forty leagues from them “in that same direction of the 
east” [ i . e., as the Quiviras were from the Rio Grande missions]. 

DEDUCTIONS. 

The Dates. 

Castaneda says that the army left Tiguex the 5th of May. We shall see 
that this does not comport with the dates given by the other chroniclers, 
and that it is not correct. Coronado, whose entire data here may be trusted, 
says he left Tiguex on the 23d of April, and that the extent of his journey 
across “these deserts” was seventy-seven days, and that forty-two of 
these were spent after he left “the force.” It will be seen later that these 
seventy-seven days occupy the entire time that he was on his outgoing 
journey, and they take him to the end of Quivira; but that he does not 
mean that every day was actually traveled can be shown. His statements 
leave thirty-five days for the whole time consumed from Tiguex to the final 
camp of the army, known as the “Ravine,” whence he departed north. 
This is more probably the number than was Castaneda’s thirty-seven, as we 
shall see by considering another date. 

While the army was at the Teya ravine, Castaneda and Mota Padilla 
(506, text and note 3) each mention that a great hailstorm came. The lat¬ 
ter says that on “the day of this, which was the Day of Ascension, 1541,” 
it was determined that the army should return. This Day of Ascension has 
been calculated for me by the astronomical department of the St. Louis 
University as having occurred on the 26th of May, which is doubtless cor¬ 
rect. This would make thirty-four days from Tiguex; and since Jaramillo 
also has the determination to go north made here at the Teya ravine, we 
may believe him when he states that (after this) “we all went forward one 
day, to a stream which was down in a ravine in the midst of good meadows, 
to agree on who should go ahead and how the rest should return.” (589.) 
This would make it thirty-five days to the final Ravine, agreeing with the 
deduction from the statement of the general. 

Since these thirty-five days must lie behind his journey north, we infer 
that the general and squad left the camp the morning of the 28th of May; 
so that, according to them, there would be consumed thirty-three days from 
the Ravine, inclusive, when he sighted the timber on the Quivira river on St. 
Peter and St. Paul’s Day, which was the 29th of June. Sixty-eight of his 
seventy-seven having gone, he would have only nine days left for his 
journey from the crossing of the river “to the end of Quivira.” where the 
extent of his investigations of the plains came to an end. (582, top; 580, bot.) 

The harmony of these dates and days of travel preclude that of Cas¬ 
taneda from being correct. We shall see, however, that it was more probably 
thirty-one days across these plains, and that the general may have mis¬ 
counted slightly. 

The Days and Distances. 

Let us examine Castaneda’s statement that the army was thirty-seven 
days of actual travel in going from Tiguex to the Ravine, and, in harmony 
with this, that the distance was two hundred and fifty leagues, at the rate 
of six or seven leagues per day. This rate of the army’s going, when the 
army did go, was doubtless correct. It was De Soto’s rate, and that of 


A Study of the Route of Coronado. 


13 


large bodies of men in that day; but his other claims can be shown to be 
wrong. They have been sources of much error in the study of this route, 
and have led some students almost into Illinois. 

As we have seen, there were only thirty-five days consumed between the 
points, and, by the old soldier’s own account, four days were lost at the 
bridge; at least one where Cardenas was hurt, the soldier was lost, and 
Lopez sent forward “toward the sunrise’’ two days, and where the army 
waited till the next [otra dia] to follow him. (505, tp.) 

This point was where the bend was made in the route, beyond the meet¬ 
ing of the first nomads called Querechos. Although Lopez went the two 
days or twenty leagues out, and the necessary time back till he met the 
army, there is no evidence that Coronado went more than one day forward 
in the meantime. This would make the trip of Lopez last three days till 
the army met him with its one day’s journey, provided it went in his direc¬ 
tion. Hence there were at least two days lost here altogether by the army. 
From here Maldonado (505, bot.) was sent forward four days, till he found 
the ravine of the Teya Indians; and the army went on slowly after him, 
over plains on which no trail could be left. If the army started immedi¬ 
ately after Maldonado, as it seems it may have, it would take it at least 
five days at its rate of travel to go the distance; and this length of time is 
given by Coronado himself (581, tp.) and by Mota Padilla (504, note 3) as 
the time from the bend in the route to the Teya ravine. 

Coronado mentions no lost days anywhere, though his figures imply 
them. “After seventeen days’ march’’ [from Tiguex] he finds the Quere¬ 
chos; and then he travels “five days more’’ to some wonderful plairs, 
where the hupters find the Teyas. He does not mention any rest here, i or 
does he note Jaramillo’s one-day journey farther to the final Ravine. In 
all, twenty-two days of actual travel to the Teya ravine, and Castaneda’s 
six days lost, would make twenty-eight consumed since leaving Tiguex, by 
this calculation. 

Jaramillo is very indefinite, but at his largest estimate he does not confirm 
Castaneda. Thus he has only seven days from Tiguex to the Cicuye river, 
where he notes a slight change of direction to the left at first, but later a 
constant, gradual bearing to the right. In four or five days further he 
reaches “bulls’’; in two or three days more, “cows, yearlings and bulls, all 
in together.’’ “Among these first cows,’’ by which he probably means the 
latter herd here, he finds the Querechos, six to eight days from the 
bridge. Then he says, “We went on for eight or ten days in the same 
direction along those streams which are among the cows.’’ At the end of 
fourteen or eighteen days’ journey he has the protest of Isopete occur; and 
he elsewhere adds that it was at the end of “twenty or more days in this 
direction’’ where they found the Teyas. His “twenty or more” days from 
the bridge, plus his seven back to Tiguex and his one to the Ravine from the 
Teya camp, would much more nearly approach Corona o’s twenty-eight 
than Castaneda’s thirty-seven. It is not probable that his “twenty or 
more’’ is to be estimated from Tiguex (as the general’s twenty-two cer¬ 
tainly are), since he seems to think that their direction was always north¬ 
east. Castaneda has the protest of Isopete made at the “little river” 
among the last of the Querechos, twenty-one marches out, where Coronado 
waited for Lopez at a point five days before the Teyas were reached. This 
point, according to Jaramillo, could not have been more than eighteen days 


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Kansas State Historical Society. 


from the Cicuye river, and may have been only fourteen. The average is 
sixteen, and in between the limits is a confirmation of Coronado’s seventeen 
to the Querechos. 

While it would seem scarcely probable that the estimate of the Suceso, 
one hundred leagues east and fifty south, was made on the actual itinerary, 
but was a statement of attainment only, yet it may be more than an acci¬ 
dent that its one hundred and fifty leagues divided by Castaneda’s average 
rate, six and a half, gives just twenty-three days for the whole extent 
actually traveled. 

In this connection it may be seen that the sum of all the days which 
Castaneda mentions as actually traveled by the army will not make thirty- 
seven minus the six he has it rest. Thus, according to him, it was twenty- 
five leagues, or four days, to Cicuye by the army; four to the bridge; ten 
to the Querechos; two through them to the bend where Lopez left; one to 
meet him at the “little river”; and four by Maldonado to the Teya ravine 
-twenty-five in all—and Jaramillo’s one more to the Ravine makes twenty- 
six. Castaneda has one or two more days in his journey from the river to 
the Querechos than the other narrators, and he notes two days through this 
tribe, which is not mentioned elsewhere at all. These taken from the 
twenty-five put him in approximation of the twenty-three days of the 
others. 

Castaneda is so at variance with the rest here that his account must be 
wholly discredited or in some way reconciled. He is so accurate generally 
in detail that it is with difficulty that he can be ignored. In what is usually 
considered a confused passage (507, tp.), he states that while the army was 
at the Teya ravine and was sending out squads to explore the country, 
“they” found Cona four days distant; and with Teya gqides “they” ex¬ 
plored it to the limits of its settlements, which extended three days more. 
This squad did not retrace its route out, for he says that the Teyas gave 
guides to these Spaniards “to pass onward” to a ravine, to which the main 
army had moved in the meantime, going, as we may be sure, Jaramillo’s 
one day to reach this place. We know that this squad returned before the 
general left, and hence made its reconnoiter within the thirty-five days from 
Tiguex. 

Now if the army went Jaramillo’s one day directly toward Cona, it 
would have taken the squad seven days out and six back to join it again; 
so that at least thirteen days would have been consumed in this side trip. 
These added to the twenty-eight which we have seen to have been con¬ 
sumed to the Teyas make the forty-two between the dates of leaving Tigeux 
and reaching the final Ravine. This is preposterous, in view of Coronado’s 
and Mota Padilla’s statements. Although Castaneda says, just after the 
mention of the return of the Cona squad, that the whole army found that 
they had been out thirty-seven days of marching from Tiguex, and that “it 
was two hundred and fifty leagues to the settlements” (meaning Tiguex), it 
is easy to see that he included the trip to Cona and back, however long, as 
a part of the whole journey of the army. We may, therefore, concludewith 
Suceso that the whole distance marched by the main army did not exceed 
one hundred and fifty leagues, and with the general and Jaramillo that only 
twenty-three days were actually traveled by the same. 

Castaneda (507, bot.) says that the army rested here also, and explored 
the country; but we may feel sure that this was after the general had gene. 


A Study of the Route of Coronado. 


15 


Thus, if the general left behind him at the Ravine thirty-five days already 
consumed, he started north, as noted, on the morning of May 28; and since 
Mota Padilla says that it was at the Teya ravine on May 26 that the de¬ 
cision was made to go north, we can see that there remained only two days 
in which to move and start. This beautifully confirms Jaramillo when he 
says that the two ravines were only one day apart, and it makes Casta¬ 
neda’s thirty-seven days impossible. The only theory on which the Cona 
squad could have reached the Ravine one day before the general started 
would be that it had struck the Cona settlement at its eastern end and ex¬ 
plored it backward to a point only one day from the camp on the final Ra¬ 
vine and two from that of the Teyas. This is very probable. At best, this 
would have taken eight days, four to the settlement, three through it, and 
one to the camp, which time added to the twenty-seven days from Tiguex 
to the Teyas would make thirty-five. The phrase in the original concerning 
the journey of .this squad from Cona to the army is “to pass forward” — 
“para pasar adelante”— (442, mid.), and the necessity of the guides im¬ 
plies such a condition, and that they did not journey backward on their 
outgoing route. We shall see later that the topography may justify this 
interpretation. 

The Distance Home as the Army Went. 

It may be readily shown that this last Ravine, according to Castaneda, 
was not more than twenty days from the bridge by the shorter route, on 
which this chronicler claims that the army went back to Tiguex. There, he 
says, they were twenty-five days going back and thirty-seven coming out, 
besides the delay on the latter trip, while stopping to kill bisons for their 
sole sustenance; and that they struck the Cicuye river “more than thirty 
leagues. . . below the bridge. ” From his description of their progress, 

there is no reason to believe that their rate exceeded five leagues per day. 
His “more than thirty leagues’’ does not mean forty, and probably not 
thirty-five, as any one may know who has followed these old chroniclers and 
noted their fondness for figures ending in fives and round numbers. If we 
presume that it was the latter number, and that the rate back was the same 
as that out, even—six and a half leagues per day—then of this twenty-five 
days six were consumed going up the valley to the bridge, four from the 
bridge to Cicuye, and four more from Cicuye to Tiguex, leaving only eleven 
in which to pass from the Ravine to the Cicuye river valley. It was on 
these ten or eleven days that the bisons were killed, so that it is safe to 
presume along here a rate of six leagues per day was not exceeded. Thus 
the Ravine was not over sixty-six leagues from the Cicuye valley, a hundred 
from the bridge (along an elbow bend), one hundred and twenty-five from 
Cicuye (see C, or 526, bot.), and only one hundred and fifty (see A) from 
Tiguex; or about four hundred miles in all. Hence, we lift our hats to the 
author of the Suceso’s estimate of one hundred and fifty leagues by the 
shorter route from Tiguex to the Ravine, and wonder how Judge Louis 
Houck, in his “History of Missouri,” can get this army into southeast 
Missouri, or Shea carry it into Illinois. It may be shown by the topography 
and geography, as well as by the distances, that this route was very little 
shorter than the one out. V 


16 


Kansas State Historical Society. 


From the Ravine to Quivira. 

Let us glance first at the dates. Because Coronado says (582, tp.) that 
“after having journeyed across these deserts seventy-seven days I arrived 
at the province they call Quivira, ” many students have supposed that this 
time was to be taken from the edge of the plains, over which he says 
(580, bot.) he traveled more than three hundred leagues without finding 
* ‘ their limit anywhere. ’ ’ But since he says that he was forty-two days going 
from “the force,’' at the Ravine, to the end of his journey north (581, bot.), 
we can see that the remaining thirty-five days before reaching the Ravine 
would push the start back to April 23 for the date of leaving Tiguex. As 
seen, the thirty-four days from that date to the date of the determination 
to go north, Ascension Day, May 26, and Jaramillo’s one day to the final 
Ravine, where the decision was made, makes up this thirty-five. Hence 
the seventy-seven days must be reckoned from Tiguex. 

The introduction of Mota Padilla’s Ascension Day date casts some doubt 
upon the accuracy of Jaramillo’s St. Peter and St. Paul's Day, and intro¬ 
duces an inharmonious element into the next stages of the journey which is 
difficult to adjust. As seen, in order to have thirty-five days behind him, 
Coronado had to leave the Ravine on the morning of May 28. Between this 
and the 29th of June, when he reached the Quivira river, there are thirty- 
three days, inclusive; parts, at least, of both of these dates May 28 and June 
29, were used in travel. There is a hint in Jaramillo, in the original, 
that the distance south of the river consumed more than thirty days; but 
this is not at all consistent with his statement elsewhere, or those of others, 
concerning the itinerary north of that stream. 13 While there are left, by 
these dates, only nine of the forty-two days to be traveled north of the 
river, Jaramillo distinctly implies at least ten days, with possibly the twelve 
which forty-two minus thirty would give. The Suceso says that north of 
the river it was thirty leagues from the first river to, and twenty-five 
through, the settlements of the Quiviras. South of the river, Jaramillo 
says, the days’ journeys were not long ones; and Herrera says that the 
stages were accommodated to the supplies of water, as they could find it. 
They had to kill all their meat on the way, also, as the general says. 

We may infer, therefore, that they scarcely made more than five leagues 
per day. If they went on at that rate north of the river, then to go Suceso’s 
fifty-five leagues noted above would require eleven days. When we come 
to discuss the topography here we shall see that it demands a little more 
than nine days on the north side. But just where the error of inconsistency 
lies does not appear, unless Jaramillo has erred in keeping the record of the 
Day of the Saints, as we shall see that he probably did about the date of 
the departure homeward from Quivira. He is the only narrator along with 
Coronado who gives the Day of the Saints as the day of reaching the river. 
Herrera merely copies him, varying by the statement that on this day they 
“began to approach’’ this stream. 

Note 13.—The Spanish quoted by Mr. Winship in footnote 2, page 396, Fourteenth 
Annual Report Bureau of Ethnology, has scarcely been fully interpreted. Jaramillo 
says, “Seguimos neustro viaje. . . . mas de ti'ienta dias u casi trienta de camino.V 

This may not be inconsistent. The clause “pursuing our way for more than thirty days” 
may refer to the time consumed, and the other, “or almost thirty of traveling (de 
camino),” to the days of actual going. Herrera says they “began” to approach this 
river on St. Peter and St. Paul’s Day, after marching thirty days. The Suceso says, 
“After thirty days’ march we found the River Quivira.” Certain it is that there were 
thirty days of marching. 




A Study of the Route of Coronado. 


17 


Coronado’s Return Dates and Distances. 

Coronado says that he stayed twenty-five days in Quivira, which would 
make him start home on August the 4th, in accordance with his seventy- 
seven days from April 23. Castaneda, who was not present, says the gen¬ 
eral left Quivira “early in August" (512, tp.), and he would seem, therefore, 
to be correct here. Jaramillo, who was at Quivira, says it was after the 
middle of August (590, hot.) and more, “jera media y mas de Agosto” 
(396, note 2), when they left; but he appears to be wrong. 

Castaneda says that the squad was forty days going home, “lightly 
equipped." He notes nothing about a shorter route. Jaramillo says they 
came back on the outgoing route as far as the crossing of the first river 
(Quivira), and then bore to the right and went home by a “good road, 
along by watering places and cows." The Suceso says, “We went back by 
a more direct route, because in going by the way we went we traveled 
three hundred and thirty leagues, and it is not more than two hundred by 
that by which we returned." This, in connection with Castaneda’s forty 
days, would give five leagues per day for their return rate, which we may 
infer was not exceeded by that out, since on the return they had some pre¬ 
pared food and did not have to zigzag for meat and water. This forty days, 
according to his dates and time, would put the general at home on Septem¬ 
ber 13, twenty-seven days before he wrote his letter to the king. 

The Date of the Army’s Return. 

Castaneda says the army reached Tiguex “about the middle of July.” 
In this he seems fairly correct. Thus, if Coronado left “the force" on 
May 28, and it remained fourteen days more in the Ravine, it would have 
started home on June 12, and twenty-five days more consumed on the way 
would have brought July 8 for the arrival at Tiguex. 

The Directions. 

Because of blind reliance in the directions given by most of the chroni¬ 
clers, without comparison with the topography, distances, time of return, 
etc., many students, especially the early ones, were wont to run this expe¬ 
dition anywhere from Nebraska to Arkansas. Shea thought Quivira might 
be in Illinois, and a recent writer in the daily press had Coronado flounder¬ 
ing in three colors among the mountains of Colorado. It can be readily 
shown, as Hodge has claimed, that these chroniclers knew little about di¬ 
rections when the sun was above the horizon, and there is no reliability to 
be placed in the statements concerning these in most of the narrators. 

Coronado in his account gives no directions. He merely went “as the 
guides wished to take" him, and implies confusion all the time, having 
such phrases as “where they (the guides) strayed about," “while we were 
lost on these plains," “fell in with some Indians who were hunting," etc. 

Castaneda mentions no directions from Tiguex to Cicuye, nor any from the 
latter to the bridge. When he is speaking of passing through the roaming 
Querechos for two days, he says the direction wfes the same as that which 
the army had come “from the settlements," meaning plainly Tiguex. 
(504, bot.) This direction he gives as being here “between north and east, 
but more toward the north." He fails to note the necessary change of di¬ 
rection which was made at Cicuye in order to pass down any river near it. 
Mota Padilla (504, note 3) has the Spaniards going for three days “to the 


18 


Kansas State Histoncal Society. 


east with much inclination toward the north,” along the same place on the 
plains, and then they go two days directly east to the first ravine. 

Jaramillo had a great propensity for giving directions, as his notes of the 
route from Mexico to the Rio Grande show, but he was wrongly oriented, 
even at Tiguex, because he says (587, bot.) that the Rio Grande flows “about 
southeast” there, whereas it flows considerably west of south. He is cor¬ 
rect in saying that Cicuye was “toward the northeast” from Tiguex, but 
he never seems to have realized that any bend was made there in the route, 
nor later, except a gradual turning to the right after crossing the river be¬ 
low it, till they came to the Teyas. He appears to have thought that they 
went northeast to reach the river (Pecos) from Cicuye, and after cross¬ 
ing “turned more to the left hand (at first), which would be more to the 
northeast, and began to enter the plains.” Doubtless the Turk did swerve 
to the left after passing the river (Pecos) to get away from its valley, but 
he could not go northeast from any possible crossing below the Canon of 
the Pecos or Cicuye and reach such plains T as are described. Jaramillo’s 
turning “more to the northeast” after crossing implies that even he thought 
they were going more east than north at first. “After going on in the same 
direction,” he comes to bisons and Querechos; but later he adds, “From 
the time when, as I said, we entered the plains, and from this settlement 
of Querechos, he (the Turk) led us off more to the east,” and after “twenty 
days or more” in this direction (bearing to the right all the time) they 
found the Teyas. In the meantime he notes that after they had reached 
the Querechos they “went for eight or ten days in the same direction, along 
those streams which were among the cows.” As Hodge has noted, this is 
a very significant statement, as we shall see later. There could be really 
no northeast direction in all this, as the topography of the region will show, 
and as the distance which the final Ravine camp was from the Cicuye, or 
Pecos, valley will confirm. 

Mota Padilla (528, note 2) says that after crossing the river, “having 
gone four days through those plains, with great mists” or fogs (con grandes 
nebilinas), the soldiers found the tracks of the poles (travois) on which the 
Querechos dragged their property from place to place with dogs, and that 
the army later overtook the Indians. These fogs would readily enable the 
Turk to mislead the Spaniards and get them so confused that they might 
never recover their ability to know directions, just as one, on being wrongly 
oriented when first entering a city, rarely recovers a proper perception of 
direction. There is ample evidence that such was the case with these Span¬ 
iards. Castaneda says that at midday even, with the sun shining, the hunt¬ 
ers were often lpst, like crazy men, and wandered for days and could not 
find their way back to camp, the country was so level and unmarked, 
unless they struck the Ravine, which, he says, extended in both directions 
from the camp; and otherwise “the only thing to do is to stay near the game 
quietly until sunset, so as to see where it goes down, and even then they 
have to be men who are practiced to do it.” (509, tp.) He says the Teyas, 
even, when they went to guide the army home, had to shoot arrow after 
arrow in order to hold the direction determined at sunrise. (509, bot.) 

We have seen that the Suceso is very accurate on the general distances 
traveled, as a whole, and, from the foregoing conclusions, we may trust 
this narrative (when it says that Coronado went one hundred leagues east 
and fifty leagues south or southeast) in its accuracy concerning the direc- 


A Study of the Route of Coronado. 


19 


tions also. Of course the statement is very general and has no reference 
to the meanderings, but everything conspires to show that it was mainly 
correct, though it was thought for a long while by students to be so prepos¬ 
terous as to be unworthy of grave consideration. When we recall that ac¬ 
cording to the statement of Castaneda—who speaks of “the great detour 
which they made toward Florida/' understood to be south of .east of them 
—concerning the number of days home, and the drop into the valley of the 
Cicuye, so far below the bridge that there remained only ten to twelve days, 
or between sixty and seventy leagues, from the final camp to the river, we 
can not fail to see that the final Ravine would have to be well down into the 
southeast part of the Llano Estacado to be only that distance from the val¬ 
ley. This fact alone—the form and dimensions of this triangle—bars any 
possibility of this camp being northeast or even directly east of any cross¬ 
ing of the Cicuye or Pecos river that was only four days below the town of 
that name. Castaneda was deceived when he thought that the route home 
was so much shorter than that outward as is the difference between thirty- 
seven and twenty-five days. They were very much of the same length— 
and there is no evidence that either would extend beyond the Staked Plains 
—from the bridge in the valley of the Pecos. We will next examine the 
topography, and note how it confirms this conclusion. 

The Topography and Geography of the Routes. 

It was by the topography that F. W. Hodge was able to prove that this 
Coronado expedition went down toward and out upon the Llano Estacado 
from Cicuye, and not north or northeast from that village to a river “which 
ran down toward Cicuye/’ as Mr. Winship’s translation then had it. In 
rendering the original, Mr. Winship inadvertently omitted a “de” in the 
phrase concerning the course of the Cicuye river— “de hacia Cicuye’’—and, 
when courteously acknowledging the correction to the writer of this paper, 
added that Ternaux-Compans, in his rendering of the Spanish into French, 
had not given the direction of flow, but merely had said that the stream 
passed Cicuye. Owing to this omission of the “de’’ in the paper of Mr. 
Winship, 14 many students were more firmly convinced than ever that the 
army went directly northeast from the village; but since the crossing of 
the river is shown by the revised translation to be below Cicuye, we know 
that Jaramillo is wrong in stating that they went northeast to reach the 
river from Cicuye, and we see that if this direction was traveled at all it 
was from the bridge. We have already seen how this also could not have 
been true, as we may further note by comparing the other statements of 
these narrators with the topography. 

The crossing must have been at least as low as Anton Chico, for the 
river is canyoned down to this point. That the crossing was much lower is 
shown by the distance to it being seven or eight days’ travel from Tiguex,. 
or twenty-five leagues—sixty-five miles—from Cicuye. This would take 
them to a point between Santa Rosa and Puerto de Luna, where, at Agua 
Negra, Whipple, in his search for a passage for the Pacific railroad, men¬ 
tions a good crossing. Here the Rock Island railroad crosses now. It is just a 
little below the thirty-fifth parallel. When we recall that Mota Padilla says 
that they encountered no ravine, or “crack in the earth,’’ of any import¬ 
ance till they reached the Teyas, we can see that the Pecos was not crossed 

Note 14. —See line 14, p. 604, and line 20, p. 440, Fourteenth Annual Report Bureau, 
of Ethnology, part 1. 




20 


Kansas State Historical Society. 


in its canyon. Castaneda (527, tp.) says that in going two hundred and 
fifty leagues (his estimate of the distance from Tiguex to the Ravine 
“the other mountain range was not seen, nor a hill nor a hillock which 
was three times as high as a man.” Now, any one who may have read 
what Abert says concerning the region northeast of a crossing any¬ 
where along here will be convinced that this expedition could not have 
gone out on the expanse (between the Canadian river and the Llano Esta- 
cado) known as the “Plaza Larga” without violating the truth of the 
above statements. The “great Tucumcari mountains” would have been 
in plain sight, and the Canadian was fearfully canyoned in any northeast 
direction from the bridge here. 15 

As this army mentions no river along here but the one which it crossed 
(the Pecos), and since it certainly did not go down either that or the Cana¬ 
dian, but went eastward, it follows that it went directly out onto the Llano 
Estacado, where may be found all the conditions described in the narratives. 
It seems quite probable that at first it went near the northern border of 
this great plain, and was deflected well into its center by the Turk contin¬ 
ually bearing to the right. Along here would be found the small ditches 
into which Castaneda has the bisons heaped after Lopez left the army 
(505, mid.). Along here, down the tributaries of the Brazos (that is, the 
forks of the Catfish creek, which push their tips to within a few miles of 
the western borders of the Llano and traverse it eastward), Jaramillo could 
go “along those streams which are among the cows,” as he went to the 
Querechos; and, turning southeastward more yet from this point, they 
could finally find in the various branches of the Brazos, as it gathers for its 
escape from this riven plain, at least two broad, ravine-like, depressed 
meadows only one day apart. Such condition may be easily found about 
Dickens, Kent or Garza counties, Texas, from which region ten or twelve 
days of travel, or one hundred and fifty miles, as required by Castaneda’s 
home-going conditions, would have easily put the army back into the Pecos 
valley, past the many salt lakes on the way. 

What these men say of this plain can apply to no other than that of the 
Llano. Coronado calls them “some plains with no more landmarks than as 
if we had been swallowed up in the sea, . . . because there is not a 

stone, nor a bit of rising ground, nor a tree nor a shrub, nor anything to 
go by” — just grass. 

The Postrera says that “four days from this village (Cicuye) they came 
to a country as level as the sea. ” (570, mid.) Where for days from Cicuye 
could there be found such plains elsewhere? Castaneda’s expressions con¬ 
cerning the levelness and expanse of these plains seemed so extravagant to 

Note 15.—When Colonel Abert was well out on the high plateau north of the Canadian, 
at a point which he gives as slightly east of latitude 35° 50' and longitude 104° 10', at a 
place on his eastward journey twenty-two miles west of Utah creek (itself canyoned 
along here), he looked out over the broad bottom on the south side of the Canadian, and 
describes it thus: “The eye plunged into an ocean of mist over a prairie of indefinite ex¬ 
tent far below, now and then pierced by the tops of seeming islands, whose summits, on a 
level with our feet, had once formed an integral part of this plain. Here the river 
escapes from the jaws of the canyon, where the rocks are piled to the height of 600 feet. 

. . . The valley of the Canadian, four or five hundred feet below, lay spread out to the 

breadth of twelve or fifteen miles, roughened by isolated ledges of rock and curiously 
shaped buttes, being bounded on the other side by cliffs scarcely discernible.” [Quoted by 
Whipple, Pacific Railroad Explorations and Surveys, volume III, p. 18, of “Description of 
the Country.”] It is almost needless to say that these cliffs were the northern edge of 
the Llano Estacado; and it may be easily seen that the expedition did not pass through 
this bottom, which it would have done had it gone at all north of east from the river, as 
asserted by the chroniclers. 



A Study of the Route of Coronado. 


21 


the French translator of his narrative, says Mr. Winship, that he would not 
render them, omitting them altogether, yet every one of them may be cor¬ 
rect, if applied to the Llano. Besides his assertions concerning its levelness 
and lack of landmarks, he has statements, too numerous to quote, which 
show that the army did not get off of the Llano. 10 To this old soldier 
the horizon came down in a “crossbow shot”; there was nothing but 
“cows and sky” seen by Lopez; the sky could be seen under the legs 
of the bisons; there were numerous salt lakes on these plains, with rock 
salt under the water (as may be seen there yet); away from these 
lakes the grass was only a span high, and nothing but grass; 17 and this 
grass was so resilient that no trail could be made upon it by the army's 
march; 18 Castaneda’s description of the rivers on the Llano can scarcely fit 
any other region. When Mr. Winship was rendering this, he believed, with 
other students, that the army had camped north of the Canadian, and he 
was likely influenced by this impression. In his later studies he changed his 
• views, but left the passage unchanged in his little book of the Trailmakers 
Series, as did Mr. Hodge in his “Spanish Explorers.” As translated, the 
passage scarcely does the old soldiers involved and archaic Spanish justice, 
and is not so favorable to the Llano being the field of the expedition as it 
might be. 19 

In this connection a few quotations from the early American explorers 
when they first encountered this wonderful plain may not be out of place, 
since they are so strikingly similar to the description of the Spaniards made 
three hundred years earlier. Lieutenant Whipple describes his trip up the 
valley of the Canadian, after mounting to the Llano at Amarillo arroyo, 
near the 102d meridian, as follows: 

“Ascending about two hundred and fifty feet, in about a mile from camp 
we reached the top of the Llano. Here . . . we saw what one might 
call an ocean prairie (he had seen the ordinary plains), so smooth, level, 
boundless, does it appear. It is covered with a carpet of closely cropped 


Note 16.—It may be well for the interested reader to consult all the matter in Mr. 
Winship’s paper concerning these plains, found mainly at 604 (note 3), 605, 606 (note 2), 
608 (hot.), 609, 610, 627, 541-643, 570, 671, 680, 581, 588, 589 (tp.). 

Note 17.—Abert found both long grass and flowers on the north side of the Canadian. 

Note 18.—“Who could believe,” says Castenada, “that 1000 horses and 500 of our 
cows, and more than 5000 rams and ewes, and more than 1500 friendly Indians and 
servants, in traveling over these plains would leave no more trace where they had passed 
than if nothing had been there—nothing—so that it was necessary to make piles of bones 
and cow dung now and then, so that the rear guard could follow the army.”—Fourteenth 
Annual Report Bureau of Ethnology, part I, p. 642. 

Note 19.—The original [456, tp.] is as follows: “No tiene arboleda sino en los rios que 
ay en algunos barrancas que son tarn encubiertas que hasta que estan a el bordo de ellas 
no son bistas son de tierra muerta tienan entradas que hacen las bacas para entra a el 
agua que esta honda por estos llanos,” etc. 

Mr. Winship renders this: “There are no groves of trees except at the rivers, which 
flow at the bottom of some ravines where the trees grow so thick that they were not 
noticed until one was right on the edge of them. They are of dead earth. . There are 
paths down into these, made by the cows when they go to the water, which is essential 
throughout these plains.” [527, mid.] . 

It may be seen from this translation that the trees may have been in sight at the 
rivers; that they were so “thick” that they were not noticed, “encubiertas” being ren¬ 
dered “thick” and referring to the trees, whereas it means “concealed” and refers to 
ravines or “barrancas.” “Honda” is rendered “essential,” whereas it means here “deep 
down.” Water is essential anywhere. The following gives the meaning more con¬ 
sistently with the text and conditions: # . . 

“There are no groves except on the rivers, which are in certain ravines, which are so 
concealed that they are not seen till [one reaches] the border [or bank] of them. They 
are of dead [or bare] earth [not grassy down the banks]. There are paths^ which the 
cows make to enter to the water which is deep down [honda] in these plains.” 

This is certainly an accurate description of the streams of the Llano. 






22 


Kansas State Historical Society. 


buffalo grass, and no other green thing is seen. . . . Having traveled 

eight and a half miles, we arrived at a deep gorge with limestone cliffs, and 
a valley of grass and trees.” Beyond this was again “the hard, smooth sur¬ 
face of the Llano.” 20 

Captain John Pope, in his report of his survey along the thirty-second 
parallel, states that he went from the Pecos to the Red river, noting the 
gentle slope of the Llano toward the Colorado valley; but here he found 
large patches of red sand, in which grew conspicuous clusters of bunch 
grass thirty inches high, and on the southern border there was a range of 
hills of white drift sand seventy feet above the level of the plain. 21 

Certainly Coronado’s men never approached this region. Dr. W. P. 
Blake, the geologist of this expedition, says of the Llano north and west 
of this: “The Llano ... is not broken by a single peak, and there is 
nothing to break the monotonous desert character of its surface except an 
occasional river gorge or canyon, invisible from a distance, and often ap¬ 
parent only when the traveler stands on its brink.” 22 Captain Marcy has 
a similar description: “Not a tree or a shrub; ... a vast, illimitable 
expanse of desert prairie,” and “trackless as the ocean,” are his phrases. 23 

All this sounds wonderfully like the words of Coronado and Castaneda. 
In this connection it may be said that there can be no doubt that the river 
which ran down from Cicuye, which was bridged and crossed, and up which 
the army went home from the plains, was the Pecos. When the army 
reached it on its return the Indians said that it ran into the Rio Grande 
“more than twenty days from here, and that its course turned toward the 
east.” If those students who have so stoutly maintained that it was the 
Canadian which was bridged (and they are too numerous to mention) had 
considered this passage, and had the proper respect for Indian geography, 
they might have blundered less. 

Topography from the Ravine to Quivira. 

On this route the topography is mostly a matter of geography. About 
all there is of the former is the statement of Castaneda (speaking cosmo- 
graphically about the two great ranges of mountains which he had heard were 
on each edge of the continent) that as the Spaniards approached Quivira 
they began to see mountains. (528, bot.) These were doubtless the Smoky 
Hills of the river of that name, which appear so mountainous at a distance. 
His statement here is: “Quivira is to the west of these ravines, in the midst 
of the country, somewhat nearer the mountains toward the sea, for the 
country is level as far as Quivira, and there they began to see some moun¬ 
tain chains.” This has puzzled students, because they have always pre¬ 
sumed that these “ravines” here are the same as those of the Llano camps, 
as may be inferred from the foregoing rendering. The Spanish is, that 
Quivira is “a el poniente de aquellas barrancas por el medio de la tierra”— 
literally, “those ravines through the midst of the land,” with no comma 
after “ravines.” The rendering of “por” as “in,” and the placing of a 

Note 20.—Pacific Railroad Explorations and Surveys, vol. 3, Report of Lieut. A. W. 
Whipple, p. 36 of Itinerary. 

Note 21.—Ibid., vol. 2, Report by Capt. John Pope, p. 9. 

Note 22.—Ibid., vol. 2, Report of Geology of Route, by William P. Blake, p. 9. 

Note 23.—Report of Capt. R. B. Marcy on Reconnaissance of a Route from Ft. Smith: 
to Santa Fe, 1849, 31st Cong., 1st Sess., Sen. Ex. Doc. 64, vol. 14, p. 186. 



A Study of the Route of Coronado . 


23 


comma after *‘ravines,” is the main cause of the trouble. It is the ra¬ 
vines which are in the “midst of the country” and not Quivira. Castaneda, 
speaking cosmographically, as he much liked to do, refers to such ravines 
or valleys, like those of the Missouri and Mississippi rivers, as he supposed 
lay between the two great Atlantic and Pacific coast ranges; and since the 
way was all level to Quivira, he naturally inferred that Quivira was west of 
them all, which is the fact. So he says (504, mid.) that the plains were 
“all beyond the mountains” (in the original), referring to the western 
range. Again, at page 526 more of his cosmography about this may be 
seen. In this connection it may not be out of the way to say that where 
Castaneda speaks of the Missouri-Mississippi river flowing across all the 
level country and breaking “through the mountains of the North sea,” and 
coming out “where the people with Don Fernando de Soto navigated it” 
(529, mid.), he must have reference (from the Indian hearsay purely) to its 
rupture through the tip of the Ozark range below St. Louis. 

On the journey north no mention of topography is made, except that 
Coronado (582, tp.) says that there was no wood except at the “gullies 
and rivers, which are very few.” He is the first white man who was 
compelled to use “buffalo chips” for fuel. Jaramillo, however, speaks as 
if the first “good appearance of the earth” (590, tp.) came in at the place 
where they met the hunting Quiviras, three days northeast of the crossing 
of the first river noted. We shall see that this was near Great Bend, Kan., 
and was a natural conclusion. He and others mention the beautiful rolling 
country from this on, well watered and wooded. 

Three rivers are mentioned here in Quivira by these narrators; but it is 
remarkable that behind these to “the Ravine” they had passed many 
streams, not one of which is noted specifically, as if the beginning and end 
only of the journey were important. If Coronado was far toward the east 
edge of the Llano when he started north, he had to swerve back well west¬ 
ward to pass around the canyon of the Red river, which is hundreds of feet 
deep for some distance into this plain. He had to cross the main Canadian, 
with its conspicuous bluffs, both going and coming; but he does not note it. 
So the Cimarron, down the tributaries of which he probably went, he omits, 
though it was up and along this that he must have found the well-watered 
way home. It was probably a drouthy time. 

On their approach to Quivira, the writers speak of two other rivers as 
each having more water than the first one noted. This combination alone 
fixes the stretch of fifty-five leagues along the region ranging from about 
Larned or Garfield, Kan., to the mouth of the Republican river. Within 
the reach of thirty days' travel from a point on the Llano, which is ten or 
twelve days from the Pecos valley, no other such combination or sequence of 
streams, with the distances and directions and topography given, can be 
found than those ranging from the Arkansas to the mouth of the Republican 
or Big Blue. First they cross a river, go up its north bank three days, 
meet some Quivira hunters, whose village “was about three or four days 
still farther away from us.” The “Indians went to their houses, which 
were at the distance mentioned”; so that the Spaniards also must have 
gone there, in order to so confirm the statements of the Quiviras. (589 and 
590.) Then they found the settlements “along good river bottoms . . . 

and good streams, which flow into another (or second) larger than the one 


24 


Kansas State Historical Society. 


I have mentioned”—that is, than the first. Here are at least six days to 
the settlements, which the Suceso says were thirty leagues from the first 
river. In like manner, Herrera (509, note) says that these streams ran,into 
a “great river”; so that all the Quivira villages were in the watershed of 
this second river—a fact of significance, as we shall see. Then they went 
on four or five days, according to Jaramillo, or five or six days, as Herrera 
says, through these villages—the number of which the former says was six 
or seven, and the distance through which the Suceso says was thirty leagues. 
Then they came to another or third river, with more water and more people 
than had any of the others. Any one who has seen the Arkansas, the 
Smoky Hill, the Republican and the Kansas, the latter formed by the junc¬ 
tion of the Smoky Hill and the Republican, will have no difficulty in recon¬ 
ciling the estimates of the size and situation of the three streams made by 
these writers, especially in early July, when a dry time prevails. 

From the fact that Herrera says they passed the second river—“Rio 
Grande, que pasaron”—the writer once thought that this squad went down 
the Smoky Hill on the north side; but Mr. W. E. Richey and other local 
students soon convinced him that the “good streams” and old village sites, 
so consistently arranged with the requirements of the chronicles, were on 
the south side. Herrera’s “pasaron ” must refer to a mere tangential pass¬ 
ing of the Smoky Hill near Lindsborg, and the bowstring cut across, farther 
out, to the mouth of the Republican, along which the settlements were 
found. 24 

After this they came to the end of Quivira, and went no further north¬ 
eastward, but inquired and found that down the river the plains came to an 
end; that the people did not plant, but hunted; and that in that direction, 
especially, were other provinces, the most noticeable of which was Harahey. 
Coronado sent for the chief of this, and he came. The general stayed 
twenty-five days and made some explorations, but it would seem never 
farther eastward, simply hearing of the great river beyond. “This country 
(literally, ‘to this country’) was the last which was seen” (529, bot.), says 
Castaneda; and the information concerning the Missouri was obtained 
“there”—not “here,” where Castaneda was writing, as one might infer 
from Mr. Winship’s rendering of “alii.” Then, returning two or three days 
into the midst of the settlements, the general had supplies prepared for the 
return journey, and went home over a route which was quite likely a close 
approach to what was later known as the Santa Fe trail. 

It has been usual for students to state that Coronado struck the Arkan¬ 
sas at the western end of its great trend northeastward, and to have him 
travel six days up this, or down it, rather. 25 Since both Jaramillo and 
Herrera say the Quiviras were all in the valley of the second river, and 
since the former implies that it took at least three days to go to them after 
meeting the hunters at the end of the first three days, we can see that the 
latter three days must be measured from the region of Great Bend, in order 
to reach into the watershed of the Smoku Hill—as any map of Kansas will 

Note 24.— See F. W. Hodge’s paper, in Brower’s “Harahey,” 1889, and that of W. E 
Richey, in Kansas Historical Collections, vol. 6, page 477. 

Note 25.—The writers of this expedition used the term “up” in the sense of thither* 
and the term “below” often in the sense of “on this side of” or “hither.” Thus Suceso 
and Jaramillo say the Quivira river was below Quivira, and that they went up this stream 
whereas they were really going down it. Castaneda says of Acoma that it was below the 
Rio Grande. 




A Study of the Route of Coronado. 


25 


show. Therefore, the crossing of the Arkansas can only be three days 
southwest of this town, or in the region of Larned or Garfield. Again, if 
we measure Suceso’s fifty-five leagues back from any third river which they 
could reach after crossing the first, we can see that they will not extend 
back to the region near Fort Dodge, so frequently cited as the place of 
crossing. 26 

This question of Coronado’s approach to the Arkansas has some difficul¬ 
ties in it, not because of water supply—which he says was always scant, 
though Jaramillo says they did not go without it any day—but because of 
the great eastward trend in the route which would be necessary in order 
for him to go to this crossing or bend on this river from any point which 
he could have attained toward the east before he started north. We have 
noted the great westward trend which he would have made to avoid the 
canyon of the Red river. He likely did not leave the Llano at any point 
east of the Amarillo arroyo, which furnished a very natural descent to the 
Canadian valley. Thence a line directly north would have struck the Ar¬ 
kansas one hundred and fifty miles west of Fort Dodge and two hundred 
west of Larned, roughly. The mention by the Suceso that the general 
went “by the needle” has led many students to infer that this journey was 
all directly north; but in the first place this may have been a mere phrase— 
as we say “bee line” or “as the crow flies.” This army had certainly 
made poor use of the compass before this, if it had one; and then the 
Suceso does not say that they went by the needle all the way, but he almost 
implies a bend. Thus, “after proceeding many days by the needle it 
pleased God that after thirty days’ march we found the river Quivira,” is 
his statement. He does not say that all the thirty were marched by the 
needle, and after “many days” a bend could have been made. Jaramillo 
says “the direction all the time after this (the start) being toward the 
north.” 

That Coronado did go north for a while may be seen from the fact that 
if he had smarted sufficiently east, or had borne eastward at once, so as to 
be directly south of the Arkansas bend, he would have encountered the 
Canon of the Red in the former case, and have run into the Western Cross 
Timbers north of the Canadian, which Abert found at longitude 99° 11'. 
This, from his own statements, we are sure that he did not do. It is not 
improbable that these exact expressions of directions here out on the Kan¬ 
sas plains were on a par with those of Jaramillo concerning the Llano; and 
after getting well out beyond the Cimarron, when the Antelope hills and 
the Wichita mountains, as well as the Cross Timbers, could not be seen, 
Coronado likely bore eastward and crossed the north-side tributaries of this 
river and those of the Big Salt Fork of the Arkansas, where streams were 
frequent, and then he turned more directly into the Arkansas. His Teya 
guides must have known the best way thither, since they said that none 
was good; and Herrera implies that the route was varied to find water. 27 

Note 26.—In discussing this matter with Mr. F. W. Hodge and Mr. W. E. Richey, I 
received acknowledgments from both that the crossing was certainly east of the western 
bend, though they had maintained otherwise. Mr. Richey feared that Coronado could not 
have found sufficient water had he come directly to the Arkansas at the points I have 
indicated; so he made some personal, local investigations, and became convinced that he 
had been’wrong. Mr. Hodge, however, in his “Spanish Explorers,” published later, ad¬ 
heres to his first opinion. 

Note 27.—It seems a little remarkable that Judge Houck, in his “History of Mis- 
gouri,” should claim that Coronado must have gone north by a route far east of this, in 




26 


Kansas State Historical Society. 


In this connection it may be well to say that the claims of some students 
that Coronado reached the Missouri is not justified by the narratives. He 
says that he did not reach the “limit” of the plains, and that the Quiviras 
said that down the river they ended. Nowhere is the mention of so great 
a stream made except in one passage; and in telling Coronado of what was 
beyond, no mention is made by the Indians of any tribes beyond a river, but 
all are noted as immediate neighbors just “beyond,” which was eastward. 
The passage noted above has already been mentioned, but it had better be 
quoted: 

“The great river of the Holy Spirit, which Don Fernando de Soto dis¬ 
covered in the country of Florida, flows through this country (of Quivira). 
It passes through (“por”) a province called Arache, according to reliable 
accounts obtained here (“alii”). The sources were not visited, because, 
according to what they said, it comes from a very distant country in the 
mountains of the South sea, from the part that sheds its waters onto the 
plains. It flows across all the level country and breaks through the moun¬ 
tains of the North sea, and comes out where the people with Don Fernando 
de Soto navigated it.” 

This is doubtless a combination of the information which the expedition 
obtained from the Indians there (“alii”), and from de Soto’s men after 
their return, with whom Castaneda says he had communication. It exhibits 
the accuracy of Indian knowledge of geography. The original does not just 
say that this river flows through this country of Quivira. It says, “Hue 
sus corientes de aquesta tierra”; that is, “carries (or derives) its currents 
Jrom this land,” implying that it had tributaries there, which it certainly 
had. It passed through (“por”) a country called Arache, but it will be 
shown that this was likely the land of the Arikaras, whose home was then 
far north of this. 

The Ethnology and Archseology. 

The last sentence brings us to the ethnology of the expedition, and its 
archaeology. In the matter of the last, we have already seen that the vil¬ 
lage sites on the tributaries of the Smoky Hill river seem to confirm the 
location of the Quivira, or at least some ancient tribes, along these streams. 28 

The ethnology of this region can scarcely be touched here, even though 
this writer were capable of discussing it extensively. Three narrators say 
the Quiviras built round houses of straw; from which we may infer, with 
Mr. Hodge, that since the Wichitas yet build almost exactly such houses, 
the Quiviras were their ancestors. According to Suceso, the neighboring 
tribe, called “Tareque,” used straw exclusively, and another, called 
“Arae,” used part straw and part skins, in their houses. That tribes 
during the centuries change the style of their architecture is certain, as 
was the case with the Humanos, whom Cabeza de Vaca and Espejo found 

order for him to pass through woods and amidst good streams, when the general says 
that both were actually so scarce on his route that “it would have been impossible to 
prevent the loss of many men” had he taken the whole army with him. 

Note 28. —See W. E. Richey’s paper, vol. 6, Kansas Historical Collections, page 477, 
and Brower’s “Harahey” and “Quivira.” By examining the cuts in these last volumes! 
or by consulting the collections of Mr. Richey in the rooms of the Kansas Historical 
Society at Topeka, one may note quite a difference between the character of the flints 
found above the mouth of the Big Blue river and those found below it. Mr. Richey has 
called my attention to a kind of flint hoe which, polished and worn, is found above, and 
is not found below, this dividing line. He concludes, naturally, that this is in keeping 
with the statement of the Quiviras that the people down the river did not cultivate the 
soil. 



A Study of the Route of Coronado. 


27 


with houses having foundations, on the lower Rio Grande, but who aban¬ 
doned this form of structure when they moved. 

In Brower’s “Harahey,” Mr. Hodge states that the Southern Quiviras 
have a tradition that they and some Pawnees were driven from the north 
by their enemies. That this was the case, and that these enemies were the 
Kaws and Aricaras, is almost a certainty. Thus Castaneda says (529, tp ) 
that Father Padilla, who returned as a missionary to the Quiviras after 
Coronado went to Mexico, was killed by them because he wanted to go to 
their enemies, the Guaes. The Turk, in contrast with Quivira, associ¬ 
ates the names of ‘‘Arche” and the “Guaes ” 29 (503 mid.), the form* r, 
likely, meaning the Aricaras, as we shall see. Salmeron (“Land of Sun¬ 
shine,’’ December, 1899, p. 45) says that when Onate went to Quivira in 
1601 he met the Escansaques, who were on their way to fight the Quiviras. 
Depriving this word of its Spanish flourishes, the word Cansa remains. 30 

The Turk and His Countries. 

Before attempting the discussion it may be well to mass all that the 
various chroniclers say of the home of the Turk and the names of the prov¬ 
inces which he gave. Castaneda (491, bot.) says the Turk was a “native of 
the country toward Florida, which is the region Don Fernando de Soto 
discovered. ’’ Mota Padilla (492, note 1) says he was “from a province distant 
thirty suns,’’ called “Copala,’’ on a “lake which they navigated with ca¬ 
noes,’’ etc. What most of the de Soto narrators call “Pacaha” Garcilasso 
calls “Capaha,’’ which, with the frequent interchange of r and 1 in Indian 
dialects, may appear as “Capala,’’ which “Copala” is much like. We 
know that the Pacaha chief was of the Kappa, Cappa, Quappa, or Quapaw 
Indians, which were the same as those later called “Arkansas” or “Alkan- 
sas” by the early French. “Capala” is more like the true name “Kappa” 
than is “Pacaha. ” When we consider that the name of the Turk’s country, 
in Padilla, was “Copala,” and that it was distant thirty suns, which is 
about three hundred leagues, as an Indian would go; and that Suceso says 
the Turk’s country was that distance east of Tiguex (though it says at 
Harale), it could be possible that he was a native of Pacaha, where de Soto 
turned back down the Mississippi river, somewhere in the New Madrid, 
Mo., region, and that he was a Quapaw, or Arkansas Indian. This would 
harmonize with Castaneda’s having his home toward Florida, and with his 
other statement that the Turk said that “his country was in that direc¬ 
tion” (509, tp.) toward which he led the army astray; and with his bearii'g 
toward the east, and his trying to lead the army on east to Haxa, toward 
sunrise yet two days, when his case became desperate; and with Jaramillo’s 
phrase, “it seems that as the said Indian wanted to go to his own country.” 
(588, mid.) 

As to the names of the provinces mentioned by the Turk, besides Copala,. 

Note 29.—In his paper, in Brower’s “Harahey,” Mr. Hodge suggested that in the word 
“Guaes,” the G might be a misprint for Q, and hence “Quaes,” pronounced “Kaws.” 
This seemed very probable, but later he has repudiated this theory, since he has found 
that “Kaws” is a French abbreviation for Kansas—another very probable conclusion 
(see under “Guaes,” Bulletin 30, part 1, Bureau of Ethnology), though the French and 
Spanish may have got the abbreviation from the same source. 

Note 30.—“Some have thought that the Escansaques were the Utes, but the greater 
weight of evidence, as I have shown, seems to establish the fact that they were none 
other than the Kansa—now so considered by the United States authorities and the Bureau 
of Ethnology at Washington.”—History of the Kansa or Kaw Indians, by Geo. P. More¬ 
house, Kansas Historical Collections, vol. 10, p. 335. 



Kansas State Historical Society. 


there are six. In Castaneda there are “Quivira, ” “Arche” and the “Guas” 
or “Guaes”; also the statement that the Quiviras said the Missouri river 
passed through “a province called ‘Arache.’ ” Jaramillo has “Quibira” or 
“Quevira” and “Arache” (588, 589), and speaks of the general writing to 
the “governor of Harahey and Quibira” (590, tp.). The Suceso always 
says “Quivira,” and says the neighbors of these were at Tareque and Arae. 
It speaks of “Harale” only as the home of the Turk. Herrera says (507, 
notel) that the Turk described “Harae” so that Coronado thought it [not?] 
impossible that some of de Narvaez’s lost men might rule it; and Jaramillo 
says that the general, when he wrote the letter to this imaginary ruler, 
thought that he might be a “Christian from the lost army of Florida,” i. e., 
the army of de Narvaez. (590, tp.) Gomara brings in another country 
when he says “they had news [from the Turk] of Axa and Quiuira,” where 
they worshiped the image of a woman (492, notel). This is, doubtless, 
what put the idea in the general’s head that the ruler of this land named 
Tatarrax was a Christian. But Gomara does not mention Harahey in any 
form in this connection. The Axa here mentioned is noted by Castaneda 
(504, bot.) when he says the first Querechos said that “Haxa” was a set¬ 
tlement on a river more than a league wide, and the Turk said it was only 
two days from there to “Haya.” Hence Lopez went two days toward the 
rising sun to find it. This was a mere subterfuge, and the original Haxa is 
not a Texas province, as Mr. Hodge believes; but we shall see that it joins 
the Quiviras, as the narratives imply. 

The list of names of the countries in these chronicles therefore com¬ 
prises Quivira, Harahey, Tareque, Arche, the Guaes, and Axa—in their 
varied spellings—with Harahey and Guaes synonyms, as we shall probably 
see, since both of these are never associated with Quivira at the same time, 
as are Arche and Tareque. In fact, it is highly probable that only three 
tribes are comprised in all these terms, unless Copala be something non- 
chimerical. 

In Brower’s “Harahey,” Mr. Hodge thought that the Haraheys were 
the Pawnees, because of Jaramillo’s statement that they had “some sort of 
things on their heads” when they came to Coronado; but the Aricaras, 
whose name is derived from a word meaning “horn,” wore similar “things”; 
and Judge Houck, in his “History of Missouri,” says that Catlin found the 
Raws wearing headpieces like horns. In a letter to the writer, written 
later, Mr. Hodge says: “The Raws are called by the Caddos (who are of 
the same general stock to which the Wichitas, Pawnees, etc., belong) 
‘Alahe’ or ‘Arahee’—1 and r being interchangeable in many Indian lan¬ 
guages. The Pawnee name (for the Raws) is ‘Araho,’ which comes 
about as near to the Spanish form as possible.” From this it is easily seen 
that the Haraheys were the Raws, who lived east of the Quivira region, 
where they were found later. 

With regard to the Arche, in its various forms, one of which is the 
Suceso’s “Tareque,” they were undoubtedly the Aricaras, and not synony¬ 
mous with Harahe or Arae, as Mr. Hodge has thought; for it is against the 
latter of these that Tareque is contrasted by the Suceso (577, bot.). Arche 
was the stem of the name for the province, and the termination “ra” may 
have been either tribal or plural. This combined with the stem makes 
Archera. The tribe later has been called simply “Rees”; and among the 
synonymy of this tribe by Mrs. Fletcher, in Bulletin 30, Bureau of Ethnol- 


A Study of the Route of Coronado. 


29 


ogy, occurs Archarees. The k sound, involved in “ch” or “que,” is pres¬ 
ent in most of the names, because of “araki” or “uriki,” meaning a horn, 
from their kind of head ornamentation. For the same reason, Dr. George 
Bird Grinnell writes me that the Pawnees call themselves “Pa-ra-ki,” thus 
indicating the same horn-wearing habit. 

With regard to the Turk having associated Axa with Quivira, Benavides’ 
Memorial, p. 85, says that the Aixaos bordered closely on the Quiviras, and 
that in 1630 the two tribes formed what was known as the kingdom of 
Quivira-Aixaos, since he so heads his paper, with the center of the latter 
people thirty or forty leagues from the former, “in the same direction of 
the east.” In this is the word “Aix.” Salmeron (“Land of Sunshine,” 
December, 1899, p. 46) says that when Onate went to the Quiviras in 1601 
they sent a delegation to meet him and ask him to go with them against 
their enemies, the Ayjaos. Since in archaic Spanish x and j, and also i and 
y are interchangeable, it may be readily seen that the two words are varied 
spellings of the name of the same tribe. In like manner, with x and y in¬ 
terchangeable in sound, Haxa, Axa and Haya are all the same neighbors 
and enemies of the Quiviras. 

The identification of these people with a modern tribe is not so easy. 
Since the Pawnees fled south with the Quiviras, and were of the same Cad¬ 
doan stock, we are justified in feeling sure of the intimate association of 
the tribes in 1630, so that it would be called the kingdom of “Quivira- 
Aixaos,” and would imply that the Aixaos were some branch of the Paw¬ 
nees. Since the Pawnee name for Raws is “Arahe,” and the Quiviras 
called the province of the Raws (when asked about it) “Harahey,” (590, 
mid.), “Harae” (509, note), and since the Caddoan name for them is 
“Arahee, ” the Pawnee language of to-day shows its kinship to that of the 
Quiviras of 1541. Since, also (Hodge, and Brower’s Harahey), the Paw¬ 
nees are known to the Wichitas to-day by the name of “Awahi,” the word 
“Ayjaos, ” distorted by various spellings and pronounced in Spanish, may 
not be so far from a synonym of “Awahi,” and “Awahi” may equal 
“Ayjaos” or “Aixaos.” 

The deductions concerning the tribes about the end of Coronado’s journey 
north, are, therefore, that the Quiviras were the Wichitas; the Haraheys 
and the Guaes were the same as the later Escansaques, and were the Raws; 
the Axas, Aixaos, Haxas, Ayjaos or Hayas were the Pawnees; and the 
Turk resorted to a subterfuge among the Querechos when he said Haxa 
was two days east; and he may have been playing on words, because there 
was a tribe with a similar name far toward sunrise, which caused the 
Querechos to confirm him. Arche, Ararche and Tareque were evidently 
the Aricaras, more to the north, so that the Missouri could flow through or 
past “a province called Arache, ” as Castaneda has it; for this Caddoan 
tribe was likely then beating its way northward to beard the Siouan lion in 
the great valley. Down the river below was the Raw; northeastward, be¬ 
yond and on the Republican, was the Pawnee, while beyond, up the Missouri, 
was the Arikara. It is not improbable that the Pawnees and Quiviras may 
have been enemies at one time, and friends later, when they migrated It 
is said that the former have a tradition of visits of white men to them from 
the west long before they came from the east. 


30 


Kansas State Historical Society. 


The Latitude of Quivira. 

Three narrators give the latitude of Quivira as 40°. Only the Suceso 
gives that of another place in comparison, by which we may know how 
much here was the error which the Spaniards always made in this matter. 
Their estimate was usually about two degrees too great. In comparison, 
the Suceso says that the latitude of “the river’’ was 36°. (578, tp.) Some 
writers have erred in thinking the river referred to was the Quivira or Ar¬ 
kansas. It was evidently the Rio Grande at Tiguex. Just below this cita¬ 
tion the Suceso says of the Teyas and Querechos, that “they exchange 
some cloaks (made of skins) with the natives of the river for corn” — 
meaning, of course, with the Pueblo Indians, who obtained their skins 
wholly by trade with these nomads. (524, mid.) 

Now, Bernalillo is about 35° 20'. Four degrees, the difference between 
the Suceso’s 40 and his 36, added to this would put Quivira in 39° 20', esti¬ 
mated from his figures for Tiguex. The error was not so great here, there¬ 
fore. The mouth of the Republican is about 39°, and the most northerly 
bend of the Kaw at Manhattan is about 39° 10'. There is not much hope 
for Nebraska in all this. 

The Routes of Coronado and Those of de Soto. 

It has been a favorite theory of many historians and popular writers 
that the routes of Coronado and de Soto almost intersected each other, and 
that the two explorers themselves nearly met in the Indian Territory. 
From this it has been claimed that Coronado went farther eastward, both 
in Texas and Kansas, than he actually did. 31 DeSoto and Coronado each 
knew that the other was east or west of him, as the case may have been, 
and de Soto’s men heard from Indians on the Mississippi that there were 
other white men, far west, conquering the country; but on the day that 
Coronado reached the Arkansas, June 29, 1541, De Soto reached Pacaha, the 
home then of the Quapaw or Arkansas Indians (according to ethnologists), 
at his highest point up the Mississippi, and in the swampy region of the 
Missouri Peninsula. While from here he went far west, well into Okla¬ 
homa, he did not reach this region till late fall, and turned back from it on 
October 19, to go still eighty leagues down the Arkansas, to spend the win¬ 
ter of 1541-’42. On October 20, 1541, the next day after de Soto’s farthest 
west, Coronado wrote his letter at Tiguez, on the Rio Grande, to the king, 
having probably been there more than a month. 

When Moscoso later went west from the mouth of the Arkansas, 32 he 
probably approached the Llano Estacado, or at least his advance squad got 
beyond the Western Cross Timbers. His river Daycao (Elvas) was likely 
the Colorado; but all this occurred a year later, after Coronado was safe on 
his hacienda in Mexico. 33 

Note 31.—As an instance, see J. G. Shea, Winsor's “Narrative and Critical History," 
vol. 11, page 292, where he says Coronado wrote a letter to De Soto, and quotes the 
incident in Jaramillo of Coronado’s writing to the king of Harahey, already noted. This, 
we have seen, had nothing to do with de Soto. Coronado had in mind the men of de 
Narvaez, as the context shows. 

Note 32.—In my paper on the Route of Cabeza de Vaca, published in the Quarterlies 
of the Texas State Historical Association for January and April, 1897, volume 10, N 03 . 
3 and 4, led astray by an erroneous rendering of the Spanish into French by Richelet, I 
claimed that de Soto died at the mouth of the Red river. Further investigation, especially 
into the ethnological connections, has convinced me that he died at the mouth of the 
Arkansas. 

Note 33. —Castaneda says that a Teya woman escaped from Coronado’s army when it. 
struck the Pecos valley, going home, and that de Soto’s men said that they took a woman 



31 


( 

A Study of the Route of Coronado. 

Cabeza de Vaca and the Teya Ravine. 

Castaneda says Cabeza had passed through- the settlement of the Teyas 
in the Ravine (five or six years before), and blessed their goods, which 
they piled out there again to Coronado, with the same hopes, only to have 
them appropriated. Jaramillo, however, says that an old Indian told him 
that “he had seen four others like us many days before . . . near there, 

and rather more toward New Spain (Mexico).” This casts doubt on Ca¬ 
beza ever having reached this place—Ravine of the Teyas—as does the nar¬ 
rative of Cabeza, especially {-ince, in later times, the Teyas were identified 
with the Aisenis or Cenis [Mrs. L. C. Harby, Annual Report American His¬ 
torical Association, 1894] and associated with the Humanos of the lower Rio 
Grande. They were great wanderers, doubtless, and may have been with 
Cabeza when he records the Humanos as heaping their belongings in the 
midst of the floor for him to bless, away southward near the mouth of the 
Conchas. Now, in June they were probably following the bisons in # their an¬ 
nual northward migration. 

It was late fall when Cabeza was wandering in the interior of Texas. 
The bison must have been migrating southward then. He notes that they 
were only a few days up the Pecos when he went up the Rio Grande in 
midwinter; and yet he never records having seen one in this region while 
wandering west on the plains, though he says they came at times, evidently 
in winter, to the region of Matagorda bay when he was there. While he 
had time to go as far as this Ravine, there is considerable to make us feel 
that he may have come to the Rio Grande from the south, because he ac¬ 
tually describes the country and his experiences while he was south of the 
permanent houses, at which latter place it was warm in winter. It is 
equally remarkable that Moscoso’s party found no bison herds—only learned 
that they came to one place “in seasons “—and yet he was in Texas at the 
time when he might meet them on the southward migration, had he gone 
very far west. 34 

The Teyas and the Conans and the Querechos. 

Castaneda says (588, tp.) the first nomads seen were called “Querechos” 
by those living in the flat-roofed houses, because they were found among 
the cows. Mr. Winship says (396, note 1) quoting Mr. James Mooney, 
that “Querecho is an old Comanche name of the Tonkawa.” 

The Teyas, says Castaneda (524, tp.), seem to have been immigrant to 
the region years before in vast numbers, so that they had destroyed many 
pueblos (in the foothills of the Sandia range). But the Pueblos, Indians of 
the Rio Grande, were finally able to resist them. The latter pointed toward 
the north in speaking of the former home of these foes, but now allowed 
some of them to winter under the wings of the settlements, never admit¬ 
ting them to their homes. This narrator says the word “Teyas” means 
“brave men” in the Pueblan tongue, and is applied to any men so charac- 

who said she had run “away from other men like them nine days.” A year later 
Moscoso’s men, at about their farthest west, found a woman who said she had seen 
Christians near, but later denied it. She was probably the same in both cases, and the 
Teyas, in the fall of 1542, when Moscoso was west, may have been much farther east 
than in June, 1641, when Coronado’s “force” was going up the valley of the Pecos to 
Tiguex. 

Note 34.—See the author’s discussion of “The Route of Cabeza de Vaca,” in the Quar¬ 
terly of the State Historic; l Association of Texas, April, 1907, vol. X, No. 4, pages 320 to 
324, where these topics are discussed more fully. 



32 


Kansas State Historical Society . 


terized. Later, among Texas tribes, it meant friends or allies. There may 
have been really many tribes- to whom the term was applicable, as the sub¬ 
sequent history of this name would imply. Early Spanish writers concern¬ 
ing the history of Texas say that the Cenis, Aisenis and Teyas were the 
same. 

Castaneda (507) implies that the Conans were a different tribe from the 
Teyas. The extent of their permanent settlements, and the fact that they 
had “beans.” would hint the same. Furthermore, he says that the settle¬ 
ment was “a manera de alixares.” Mr. Winship has not rendered the 
phrase; and since the margin gives “Alexeres,” he felt, very plausibly, 
that it was like some town which the old Spaniard had seen elsewhere. He 
says that “alixeres” means threshing floor; and the roads through so ex¬ 
tensive a settlement might well resemble this. Ternaux-Compans renders 
it “bruyeres,” or heaths, which is what a meadow bottom might seem like 
to a European. But if we remember Castaneda’s fondness for x where j is 
usual, the word may become “alijares,” which is found in the dictionaries 
as “uncultivated ground,” and which, Mr. James Mooney informs me, has 
long been applied in Mexico to old, worn-out fields. Since the Conans were 
a planting people, this does not seem an improbable meaning, and implies 
an old, settled rancheria. It seems, therefore, that some broad meadow on 
one of the forks of the Brazos may have held Cona. 

The writer has never been in this region, but he is going to make a 
guess, based on the records, at the location of all these places—a hypothesis 
at harmonizing the especially inconsistent statements of Castaneda about 
the trip to Cona and back being made in about nine days, and one in keep¬ 
ing with the suggestion that the squad struck Cona at its farthest end. It 
seems that the main army went to the Teya Ravine from the direct west, 
and yet intersected it; and Mota Padilla says they passed it. This was 
likely the Canyon Blanco branch of the Salt Fork of the Brazos, at some 
point near the line between Crosby and Dickens counties, Texas, where the 
stream runs directly south, as the conditions demand. Thence the Cona 
squad went easterly across Dickens, King and perhaps part of Stonewall 
counties, to Cona, on the Salt Fork, where this stream also runs north for 
fifteen miles. It would thus lie directly across their path. Four days, or 
sixty or seventy miles, from the army camp would about reach this. Thence 
the squad followed the settlement up the Salt to the junction of the Double 
Mountain branch, and on up that for three days in all, through the rancheria 
of Cona, to within a short distance of where the army was camped on the 
same stream—it having moved one day south or easterly, which distance 
anywhere along here would bring it to the second Ravine. This would, 
from .the topography, 35 likely be in the southwest corner of Crosby or the 
northwest corner of Garza county. Thence west, the Pecos river, at a 
point near Roswell and at the proper distance below the site of the bridge, 
is distant about one hundred and seventy-five miles in a direct line; and 

Note 35. —See Hill’s Topographical Map of Texas—a government publication. 

Since writing the above I have become convinced that this squad, in going four days 
east, or from eighty to one hundred miles at least, must have left the Llano behind and 1 
encountered some very rough country. If Castanedo had intended to include this trip in 
the two hundred and fifty leagues which he says the army went, in the whole of which 
they did not see a hill higher than a man, he may be inconsistent with the facts ; but he- 
was not with this party, and doubtless his statements had reference only to the experience- 
of the main army. 





A Study of the Route of Coronado. 33 

over such route the Teyas could lead the army home by shooting arrow 
over arrow. 

To pass the many lakes of salt on the road home from here, if this road 
were straight, the position of the two camps should have been farther 
south—that of the Teyas about the northwest corner of Kent county, and 
the final camp in the middle of eastern Garza county, which would suit the 
presumed position of Cona almost as well; and then the road from the 
Teya Ravine westward to the Pecos would pass the many lakes in Lynn 
and Terry counties which are noted in the records. 

Placing the Querechos back five days, or eighty-five miles, from this 
Teya Ravine would locate their camp about the northern edge of Lamb 
county, Texas, where the southern kink and bend of this same Canyon 
Blanco, or Catfish creek, would form the “little river’’ which one day fur¬ 
ther back Lopez could intersect as he returned westward from his search 
for Haxa. West of this, as noted, this stream is one of those “among the 
cows,” along which Jaramillo says they came to the Querechos. It is 
highly probable that the Turk led them southeastward, down between Cat¬ 
fish creek and Double Mountain fork, till he reached the region where these 
streams were in one day’s march of each other. 

It would be interesting to know if there are any indications of village 
sites along the bottoms of the Salt and lower Double Mountain forks of the 
Brazos. 

In a straight line, the Querechos camp, as located, would have been 
about one hundred and forty miles from the bridge at Puerto de Luna, 
which distance, without meandering, would have consumed about eight days 
at their rate of an average of six and a half leagues, or seventeen miles, 
per day, which is Coronado’s time to the Querechos. From this point it 
may easily be seen that Lopez could go toward sunrise twenty leagues, or 
about fifty miles, and see nothing then but cows and sky, still being on the 
Llano. 

All this, which is plausible, puts the locating of these ravines on the Col¬ 
orado river out of the discussion. Most students have held this, because 
they have presumed that the great number of days which Castaneda gives 
were actually marched; and, under this impression, the inference of great 
distance toward the southeast was natural. But it is certain that Coro¬ 
nado’s army never got eastward of the Llano, and that he never reached the 
Missouri river. 

In like manner, there is no possibility for Coronado to have reached Ne¬ 
braska, since thirty or more days from these ravines on the Llano, at the 
rate of five leagues per day, the “not long” jornadas of Jaramillo, could 
be all easily spent between this and the Arkansas river. 

This brief study is but preliminary. Doubtless, with a personal journey 
over the ground, much more will be done by others. I have simply at¬ 
tempted to mass the present material, so that others may think on the sub¬ 
ject without much investigation in the lines which are so apparent on a 
little research. 

I wish to confess my indebtedness to the generous aid I have received 
from Mr. W. E. Richey, of Harveyville, Kan.—now deceased—and to Mr. 
George Parker Winship, for per -onal help and special courtesies and large ap¬ 
propriations from his work. To Frederick Webb Hodge I acknowledge the 


34 


Kansas State Historical Society. 


inspiration of this effort. Before I had read his paper in Brower’s “Hara- 
hey,” I had, from my discovery that the river “ran down from toward 
Cicuye,” determined that the “Ravine” was on the Llano; and an exten¬ 
sive correspondence with this great student of all things pertaining to the 
Spanish expeditions in the Southwest has confirmed this. I owe him an 
apology for having, in my amateurish way, differed from him so often; but 
had he never written on this topic I should never have ventured to. 









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